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shadow upon the fair hopes of his suc

cessor.

yourselves, your queen, and your country from the thraldom of the base?

Let the issue of this election be what it may, we do not altogether despair of England. There is a renovating power in the spirit of the English nation, which will redeem the constitution from even sorer trials than that by which it is tried; but as to Ireland, the contest for its possession, if now decided, is decided for ever. On the result of the next election the destinies of Ireland depend. If our adversa

Never was there a cause more glorious than that which is now confided to the energies of the Conservatives of Britain-the cause of our ancient monarchy-the cause of a free constitution the cause of the venerable churches of the land. Th man whose heart feels no enthusiasm in such a cause the man who could not make any personal sacrifice to maintain it-has no heart-no heart to be animated by the glorious recollection of the pastries now succeed, a popish ascendancy no heart to glow with still more glorious anticipations of the future.

Protestants of Ireland-to you the appeal is made upon peculiar grounds. Personally you have been insulted you have been oppressed. A penal law has been put in force against youmore grievous, because more undefined than the worst statute of exclusion of which Roman Catholics ever complained-your freedom-your religion -your property is at stake. It may be that this is the last opportunity that Providence will ever allow of maintaining your rights in the arena of civil contest. NOW OR NEVER be your watchword. The rights which you now abandon, you never will recover.

Protestants of Ireland-shall the faction that has trampled on you crush you for ever?-that is the question that will be put to you. Will you continue to submit to the despotism of an irresponsible dictator, or will you join with the people of England to free

is virtually established-the tyranny of an intolerant church is secured, and in a little time after their triumph, with the extinction of Protestantism will

perish every hope of the regeneration of our country.

In the name, then, of that country which, when it is governed by Protestant principles, and not till then will be

"Great, glorious, and free"

in the name of our religion—our con-
stitution, and our Queen, we are ready
for the contest. In the sacred name
of liberty-that liberty upon which
our enemies have trampled-in the
name of the sovereign they would en-
thral-the constitution they would sub-
vert, and the religion they would de-
stroy. In the name of Ireland we go
forward to the contest. It is no im-
piety in such a cause to inscribe upon
our banner the sacred watchword—
"FOR GOD AND FOR OUR NATIVE LAND.”

POSTSCRIPT.

July 24. We have only just time to add that government are exerting the most profligate influence in the city of Dublin, on behalf of Mr. O'Connell. The officers of Lord Mulgrave's household have been busy as his canvassersthe castle tradesmen have been, in some instances, actually threatened that, if they vote for West and Hamilton, they will find a difficulty in getting payment of their accounts. All will not do. More of this next month.

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LITERE ORIENTALES-PERSIAN AND TURKISH POETRY.-FIRST ARTICLE.

274

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BY-WAYS OF IRISH HISTORY.-CHAPS. III. AND IV. PENAL LAWS-THEIR
RELAXATION

339

ELLEN MONTGOMERY

346

MEMORANDA FROM OUR TABLETS OF THE MONTH.-METROPOLITAN
ELECTIONS. THE UNIVERSITY.-CITY.-Kildare.-KERRY.-SOUND MUSICAL
TO TIPPERARY EARS.-LENITY OF THE MULGRAVE GOVERNMENT.-INTIMIDATION.
LIMERICK-ROMAN CATHOLIC PRIESTS.

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361

DUBLIN

WILLIAM CURRY, JUN. AND COMPANY.

SIMPKIN, MARSHALL, AND CO. LONDON.

SOLD BY ALL BOOKSELLERS IN THE UNITED KINGDOM.

Mr. SKENE'S Article is in type, and shall appear in our next.

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THE first Parliament of Queen Victoria was convened under circumstances of deep anxiety to every true and loyal heart-it will assemble under circumstances calculated to give joy aud hope to every lover of his country. We do not say that all cause for apprehension has passed away-the time is not yet come when the patriot can retire to the consciousness of security, and enjoy the peace that can only follow a victory, in the constitutional contest in which we are engaged. But assuredly the results of the late elections are full of cheering confidence and hope; and if they are not such as altogether to banish apprehension, they leave no room for the disheartening presence of fear.

In the spirit, not of triumph-no triumph has as yet been achieved-but in the spirit of confidence emboldened by our success-do we offer our congratulations to the loyal and Protestant people of Britain. The country is saved the spirit of Revolution, if it be not altogether crushed, has been sorely disabled in the strife-so sorely, indeed, that we may hope he never will recover from the wounds which have been inflicted upon him. Well and truly have the electors of England done their duty by their Queen and their constitution. Nobly have they justified the confidence of those who declared their firm persuasion that they were true of heart. The people-we say emphatically the people-have proved their high devotion to the good old cause, and by their generous exertions in the late struggle, have put to shame, and, we trust, silence for ever, the assertions of those, whether calling themselves Conservatives or not, who have affected to believe that the principles of the people were unsound. VOL. X.

We trust that no one now will be found hardy enough to deny the truth, that it is in the middle classes, in their attachment to the constitution, that the real strength of Conservative principles lies.

That the ministers are grievously disappointed by the issue of the elec tions is manifest enough. They calculated on an accession to the ranks of their supporters-they must be prepared to meet with an addition to the number of their opponents. England has pronounced against them by a large majority-by majority which their small superiority of numbers among the Scotch representatives is by no means sufficient to countervail. It is on Ireland that they lean-on the members returned by O'Connell, and the Romish priests-how far such a dependence will avail them, remains yet to be seen. We suspect that they will find the support they derive from this quarter, like Egypt to the Israelites, a broken reed, upon which if a man lean, it will even pierce through his hand."

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It may be useful to dwell for a little time on the prospects of ministers with the new parliament.

Sir Robert Peel, in his speech at the public dinner given to him by his constituents at Tamworth, thus declared his confidence in the results of this election:

"Let me, in the first place, congratulate you cordially on the result of the general election, so far as it has gone. Gentlemen, I have good reason to believe that in the next parliament upwards of 300 men supporting Conservative principle will take their places in the House of Commons-others carry that estimate to the extent of 310 and upwards; but of this I am almost perfectly satisfied that, although the election has taken place

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with a government which we do not consider very favourable to Conservative principles at the helm of public affairs, yet that the Conservative interest has not suffered in the slightest degree. This, gentlemen, is a perfectly novel event in politics. If you look at the result of the last general election, you will find that the influence of a government has sufficed to return a considerable number of persons favourable to the interest of that government. When the parliament met in 1833, after the dissolution which had then taken place, our numbers (I speak of the Conservatives) were reduced, I think, from 260 to about 140. For some cause or other, after the elections which took place in 1833, that phalanx of which I had the command, and which numbered about 260 in the field, were reduced on the meeting of parliament to about 140. 1833 and 1834 passed. 1 was then called, as I remember, to the

chief direction of affairs, and a dissolution took place. I knew that a variation in the returns would chiefly be owing to a reaction in public opinion, to a lassitude and weariness with incessant agitation, and to a returning disposition to maintain the ancient institutions of the country. The result of the elections of December, 1834, was that, instead of having only 140 members to cooperate with me in the maintenance of Conservative principles, we divided on the first question which took place respecting the Speakership no less than 306; having, in consequence of that dissolution, swollen our numbers from 140 to 306 or 309. But, gentlemen, that was called the Peel parliament. It was triumphantly said that the dissolution took place under the auspices of a Conservative government; and that such was the influence of government, that they were enabled to make that immense ac

cession to Conservative strength which raised it from 140 to 306. It was then remarked by our opponents, "Wait till we come into office! Let us dissolve, and you then shall find some variation in your numbers! You shall again dwindle to your humble, insignificant minority; and the principles we profess shall predominate at a general election." Well, gentlemen, the experiment was tried. The Peel parliament was dissolved, and I will prophesy, from some cause or other, notwithstanding the influence of government, the Conservative strength shall not be weakened. Now, gentlemen, to what is this to be attributed? How can it be accounted for? When I dissolve the parliament, the numbers increase from about 140 to 306; and when the present government dissolve parliament, they gain not only no additional strength, but find

themselves unable to contend against the power of their opponents."

It is, of course the part of a cautious and prudent general not to overrate the strength at his disposal-but we are inclined to believe that Sir Robert Peel's estimate is considerably within bounds. Ministers will have a majority in the new parliament, but it will be a majority not far exceeding ten, and this measuring cast majority will be annihilated when the false returns are remedied by petitions. We will state our calculations to our readers—a little time will be sufficient to test the accuracy with which they are framed.

If we take Sir Robert Peel's estimate of the numbers of Conservatives which were returned to the Peel parliament an estimate which supposes the number of Conservatives to have Charles Manners Sutton as speaker-we been identical with the voters for Sir may calculate, that at the commencement of the last parliament, the Whigs had a majority of nearly 50. By the changes which occurred during the sitting of that parliament and the successful prosecutions of petitions-their majority was very considerably reduced. Let us suppose, however, that in the late parliament there was a majority of 50 who preferred the government of Lord Melbourne to that of Sir Robert Peel-and then see how the relative strength of parties has been affected by the recent dissolution.

The English borough elections present a gain of three members to the Conservative cause-the English counties a gain of 22. So far, therefore, as the English elections are concerned, the ministerial majority of 50 is exactly annihilated. Their majority, therefore, in the new parliament, must depend upon their gains in Scotland and Ireland.

In Scotland, the representation remains exactly as it did before. The ministry thus are thrown for their majority on their gains in Ireland, and these are by no means so numerous as their journals seem anxious to repre

sent.

In Ireland, the Conservatives have gained six, and their opponents fourteen seats-the ministerial gain therefore, of eight seats, equivalent to sixteen votes on a division, is just their majority in the new parliament.

This, be it remembered, is estimating their majority in the last parliament as amounting to fifty-an estimate which

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