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ed, "fe jure !" (I swear) a ceremony observed by Lucien, and by all the peers. This oath, and that of the representatives, which followed, lasted a tedious time. Several names must have awakened certain recollections; but there was no curiosity excited in the assembly, except at calling over La Fayette, when all eyes were raised, and Napoleon himself looked towards the general. Napoleon continually took lozenges from a small box in his hand, and appeared to labour considerably in his chest. He was evidently unwell : except speaking twice to Prince Joseph, he said not a word to any one near him. When the oaths were finished, he adjusted himself, turned to the left, pulled off his bonnet, saluted the assembly, recovered himself, and, unrolling a paper, began his speech. His mantle embarrassed him, and he turned it partially over his left shoulder-his voice was distinct and clear, but rather feeble towards the end of the discourse. I lost not a word and looked, I own, a little red, when he said, "La frégate la Melpomène a été attaquée et prise dans la Méditer"ranée après un combat sanglant contre un vaisseau Anglais de "74. Le sang a coulé pendant la paix !"* The mention of this isolated fact startled me, as it designated the head and real mover of the new coalition, and seemed the first step towards that line of policy, which, of course, when the war is begun, will attempt to exasperate the nation against our countrymen. I send the speech, which appears to me preferable to that of the Champ de Mait. When he spoke the last sentence, "La sainte cause de "la patrie triomphera," he elevated his voice, and seemed unconsciously to give a jerk or half flourish with his right hand. He instantly rose, bowed to the assembly, and retired amidst thunders of acclamations, which accompanied him from the throne until he disappeared at the door, and obliged him several times to turn round and salute the assembly as he was quickly ascending the stairs from the area :-he appeared highly delighted. Indeed nothing could exceed the enthusiasm, which was the more gratifying, as it proceeded from such an assemblage ; and which appeared the more spontaneous, as the cries of Vive l'Empereur! were not more frequent than those of Vive la Nation! Vive la France! I have a presentiment of having seen this extraordinary man for the last time.

Notwithstanding the qualifying phrase, it is possible, no one doubted that he would set off immediately for the army. The imperial guard had nearly all marched on the day of the opening

*

"The frigate Melpomene has been attacked and taken in the Mediterranean, after a bloody action with an English vessel of 74 guns. Blood has been spilt in the time of peace."

† See Appendix-No. 16.

May the saints cause our country to triumph.

the session, only the depôts remain; and the duty of the Tuilleries, and other public palaces, is performed by the national guards. He has now done all that he promised the people at his restoration, which depended upon himself: he has, as he truly says, commenced the constitutional monarchy, and given the people of France something more substantial and permanent to fight for than any vain attachment to their glory or to their monarch. Of this the character of the chamber of representatives is alone sufficient to furnish a decided proof. The day after the imperial session, a proposal was made by Mr. Garnier to state, in the procès verbal of the opening the parliament, that the sentiments of the assembly were unanimous on that occasion: but the president observed, that this regard to unanimity might be inimical to individual opinions: and, the same objection being made by Mr. Dumolard, the order of the day was adopted, and the president proposed the formation of a committee for preparing the address, which committee was named and formed of the bureau, together with five other members. An evidence no less clear of the warrantable jealousy, with which the new parliament would guard themselves from every suspicion of undue deference to the constitutional monarch, was shown in a short debate that ensued, upon a proposal of Mr. Felix Lepelletier, the same day, to decree, in the address, the title of saviour of his country to Napoleon. Not only the most tumultuous cries of the order of the day arose from all parts of the house, to discourage this premature flattery, but Mr. Dupin mounted the tribune, and protested vehemently against that adulation which had misled so many preceding legislative bodies; adding also, "if we anticipate events, what means will be reserved, by which we shall demonstrate our gratitude, at the moment when Our country shall be saved."

The sitting of the next day was attended with a circumstance equally declaratory of the resumption of the national rights. I found that the whole bureau had been chosen, and made, indeed, a respectable appearance, with its president, four vice-presidents, and four secretaries, attended by the eight serjeants at arms. The statue of Napoleon was replaced on the pedestal behind the Emperor's chair. Several reports from committees were read to the house, and received with some little discussion, which called up many orators, some of whom spoke from the tribunes, others from their places, and were more or less listened to, according as the opinions inclined to the popular sentiments of the day.

The president informed the house that several projects of addresses had been handed in to the committee, and that the one

judged most suitable would be submitted to the house the next day. But a discussion of the utmost importance then ensued, and was carried on with all the warmth that a question involving the liberty of the subject might be expected to excite. A member, rising in his place, enquired what method ought to be adopted for the presentation of petitions to the house, and proposed a provisional committee for the reception and preparation of suitable petitions; but against this mode there were many objectors, who asserted that the establishment of a committee might put some difficulties in the way of petitions, contrary to the rights of the citizens. In the heat of the argument, an officer, with some anger, said, that the first thing to be considered was to answer the Emperor's speech, and dropped the expression of "an effusion of the heart, on the part of the members, for his majesty's goodness." The words were scarcely out of his mouth, when he was put down with a shout of disapprobation, and, leaving his place, went out of the chamber with evident marks of disgust. The president himself remarked, that the discussion of the present question could not be postponedthat it was the first duty of the representatives to attend to their constituents. He was followed by others, and, amongst them, by Mr. Flaugergues, who, in an eloquent speech, recommended the adoption of the mode pointed out in the constitution, and sanctioned by the practice of the English parliament, in which a petition was presented by a member, and then the house voted whether or not it should be considered.

In mentioning the practice of England, he qualified his approbation, by stating, that he did not wish to hold up the rivals of France to any other applause, than that which they derived from the sanction which experience had given to some of their institutions. The member who had stated the question then came forward again, and asked the house whether it was their pleasure he should read a petition from a citizen illegally arrested, and put under the inspection of the mayor, in the prison of Valence. The petition was read, and, proving to contain a case which merited the attention of the assembly, was ordered to be presented to the Emperor by the president. The next day Mr. Regnault de St. Jean d'Angely informed the house, that the petition had been transferred to the proper ministers by the Emperor, and that the consequence had been, an immediate order for the enlargement of the petitioner, and a restoration to his functions. Can a more decided proof be wanting of the omnipotence of the national representation, and of their inclination to consult, before all things, the interests of their constituents? This comes opportunely to you, who see in the Courier that any

one found reading that journal, or the Times, is punished by a fine of 100 Napoleons, and a year's imprisonment, and that 600 persons have been arrested for exclaiming a little too publicly against the government of Napoleon.

LETTER XXII.

Sunday, June 11.

THE sitting of the chamber of representatives was private yesterday, when the address was taken into consideration. The peers had less difficulty in framing their speech to his majesty; but that body seems to be forgotten, in the general anxiety to observe the conduct of the lower house. It cannot be expected that the jealousy manifested in the proceedings of the representatives should be altogether so pleasing to the immediate friends of the court and personal partisans of the Emperor, some of whom affect to regret that he did not prorogue the parliament, whilst others more openly insist upon the danger of Napoleon's delaying his military movements, of which the protracted discussions on the address are alleged to be the cause. To me it appears that Napoleon should have convoked the legislative body immediately on his return-should have left to them the original formation of a constitution-and, instantly upon finding the allies were resolved upon war, have marched upon Belgium, where he could not have met with resistance sufficient to oppose the concentrated armies of France. By this conduct he would have escaped the unpopularity of his own "additional act," have shown his perfect confidence in his subjects, and have avoided the evil consequences which may now arise from delay. As to proroguing the parliament, it is to be doubted whether the Emperor could at this time do it, if he would. The chamber has accepted the offer of a guard from the national guards of Paris, and all the regular troops have marched to the frontiers. Besides this, the chamber is composed of men who seem in possession of the confidence of the nation; and, as in all essential points they afford every support to the executive, any attempt against them would weaken the hands of government, and perhaps be fatal to the personal cause of the Emperor. The repeated accounts received of the preparations making on the part of the allies, and the report of the allied sovereigns having commenced their march towards the armies, naturally increase the

anxiety of the friends of the government to see Napoleon at the head of his soldiers. Mr. S, addressing me yesterday evening, said that the delay was inconceivable; that Napoleon had four times before lost himself by hesitation, and might a fifth time. The same gentleman, and some others, were angry with the chamber for being so long in presenting their address, and added, "If they do not intend to support the Emperor, let them declare so at once, and proclaim the King of Rome, or Duke of Orleans, or any other person." In the sixth volume of the Censor, it is proposed that the chambers should send deputies to the allied head-quarters, offering every reasonable guarantee for the maintenance of the peace of Paris, and the popular restriction of the imperial power. In short, the republican party already appears to be decidedly predominant; and, when I say the republican party, I mean the constitutionalists, in contradistinction to the personal partisans of Napoleon, of whom there are reckoned no more than a hundred in the whole representation. It is easy to see that the court has its fears of this party. In the Moniteur of last Friday, the 9th, appeared an essay to prove the folly and inconsistency of those who are jealous of a military power in a country where, and at a time when every thing has been preserved, as every thing is to be decided, by the soldiery. As long as the chamber is convinced that the country is to be saved, as Mr. Dumolard said, by and with Napoleon, they will afford him every assistance consistent with their paramount attachment to the rights of their constituents; and it is but justice to the French nation to say, that their devotion in support of this man has increased in proportion as his enemies have appeared more determined upon his fall. Regarding him as their constitutional monarch, they have consented to confront, in his behalf, a peril greater than that with which a nation was ever threatened, and to consider his glory as an indispensable condition of their liberty. The moveable army of the empire amounts at this moment to 850,000 men, of whom 375,000 are regulars, including 40,000 of the imperial guard. Of these 375,000, 200,000 have been raised since the 20th of March, and are all old soldiers, above twenty years of age.* The national guards amount to 2,254,320, a thirteenth of the whole population. But this devotion of the people supposes and expects a corresponding exertion on the part of the Emperor, and, it may be added, such exertion as, from its first successes or its perseverance, may justify their choice of a chief. Should Napoleon meet with any signal disaster, it is an opinion of some (and I heard it publicly delivered a day or two ago), that the representatives will think

* Carnot's report to the Emperor.