(xi. 65), which furnished a young kid and mountain asparagus | for a homely dinner to which he invites a friend during the festival of the Megalesia. From the satire in which this invitation is contained we are able to form an idea of the style in which he habitually lived, and to think of him as enjoying a hale and vigorous age (203), and also as a kindly master of a household (159 seq.). The negative evidence afforded in the account of his establishment suggests the inference that, like Lucilius and Horace, Juvenal had no personal experience of either the cares or the softening influence of family life. A comparison of this poem with the invitation of Horace to Torquatus (Ep. i. 5) brings out strongly the differences not in urbanity only but in kindly feeling between the two satirists. Gaston Boissier has drawn from the indications afforded of the career and character of the persons to whom the satires are addressed most unfavourable conclusions as to the social circumstances and associations of Juvenal. If we believe that these were all real people, with whom Juvenal lived in intimacy, we should conclude that he was most unfortunate in his associates, and that his own relations to them were marked rather by outspoken frankness than civility. But they seem to be more "nominis umbrae" than real men; they serve the purpose of enabling the satirist to aim his blows at one particular object instead of declaiming at large. They have none of the individuality and traits of personal character discernible in the persons addressed by Horace in his Satires and Epistles. It is noticeable that, while Juvenal writes of the poets and men of letters of a somewhat earlier time as if they were still living, he makes no reference to his friend Martial or the younger Pliny and Tacitus, who wrote their works during the years of his own literary activity. It is equally noticeable that Juvenal's name does not appear in Pliny's letters. The times at which the satires were given to the world do not in all cases coincide with those at which they were written and to which they immediately refer. Thus the manners and personages of the age of Domitian often supply the material of satiric representation, and are spoken of as if they belonged to the actual life of the present,' while allusions even in the earliest show that, as a finished literary composition, it belongs to the age of Trajan. The most probable explanation of these discrepancies is that in their present form the satires are the work of the last thirty years of the poet's life, while the first nine at least may have preserved with little change passages written during his earlier manhood. The combination of the impressions, and, perhaps of the actual compositions, of different periods also explains a certain want of unity and continuity found in some of them. There is no reason to doubt that the sixteen satires which we possess were given to the world in the order in which we find them, and that they were divided, as they are referred to in the ancient grammarians, into five books. Book I., embracing the first five satires, was written in the freshest vigour of the author's powers, and is animated with the strongest hatred of Domitian. The publication of this book belongs to the early years of Trajan. The mention of the exile of Marius (49) shows that it was not published before 100. In the second satire, the lines 29 seq., Qualis erat nuper tragico pollutus adulter Concubitu," show that the memory of one of the foulest scandals of the reign of Domitian was still fresh in the minds of men. The third satire, imitated by Samuel Johnson in his London, presents such a picture as Rome may have offered to the satirist at any time in the 1st century of our era; but it was under the worst emperors, Nero and Domitian, that the arts of flatterers and foreign adventurers were most successful, and that such scenes of violence as that described at 277 seq. were most likely to occur; while the mention of Veiento (185) as still enjoying influence is a distinct reference to the court of Domitian. The fourth, which alone has any political significance, and reflects on the emperor as a frivolous 1 This is especially noticeable in the seventh satire, but it applies also to the mention of Crispinus, Latinus, the class of delatores, &c., in the first, to the notice of Veiento in the third, of Rubellius Blandus in the eighth, of Gallicus in the thirteenth, &c. Cf. Tacitus, Annals, xiii. 25. trifler rather than as a monster of lust and cruelty, is the reproduction of a real or imaginary scene from the reign of Domitian, and is animated by the profoundest scorn and loathing both of the tyrant himself and of the worst instruments of his tyranny. The fifth is a social picture of the degradation to which poor guests were exposed at the banquets of the rich, but many of the epigrams of Martial and the more sober evidence of one of Pliny's letters show that the picture painted by Juvenal, though perhaps exaggerated in colouring, was drawn from a state of society prevalent during and immediately subsequent to the times of Domitian. Book II. consists of the most elaborate of the satires, by many critics regarded as the poet's masterpiece, the famous sixth satire, directed against the whole female sex, which shares with Domitian and his creatures the most cherished place in the poet's antipathies. It shows certainly no diminution of vigour either in its representation or its invective. The time at which this satire was composed cannot be fixed with certainty, but some allusions render it highly probable that it was given to the world in the later years of Trajan, and before the accession of Hadrian. The date of the publication of Book III., containing the seventh, eighth and ninth satires, seems to be fixed by its opening line to the first years after the accession of Hadrian. In the eighth satire another reference is made (120) to the misgovernment of Marius in Africa as a recent event, and at line 51 there may be an allusion to the Eastern wars that occupied the last years of Trajan's reign. The ninth has no allusion to determine its date, but it is written with the same outspoken freedom as the second and the sixth, and belongs to the period when the poet's power was most vigorous, and his exposure of vice most uncompromising. In Book IV., comprising the famous tenth, the eleventh and the twelfth satires, the author appears more as a moralist than as a pure satirist. In the tenth, the theme of the "vanity of human wishes" is illustrated by great historic instances, rather than by pictures of the men and manners of the age; and, though the declamatory vigour and power of expression in it are occasionally as great as in the earlier satires, and although touches of Juvenal's saturnine humour, and especially of his misogyny, appear in all the satires of this book, yet their general tone shows that the white heat of his indignation is abated; and the lines of the eleventh, already referred to (201 seq.), Spectent juvenes quos clamor et audax Sponsio, quos cultae decet assedisse puellae: Nostra bibat vernum contracta cuticula solem," leave no doubt that he was well advanced in years when they were written. Two important dates are found in Book V., comprising satires xiii.-xvi. At xiii. 16 Juvenal speaks of his friend Calvinus as now past sixty years of age, having been born in the consulship of Fonteius. Now L. Fonteius Capito was consul in 67. Again at xv. 27 an event is said to have happened in Egypt “nuper consule Iunco." There was a L. Aemilius Iuncus consul suffectus in 127. The fifth book must therefore have been published some time after this date. More than the fourth, this book bears the marks of age, both in the milder tone of the sentiments expressed, and in the feebler power of composition exhiboth of this and of the fifteenth has been questioned, though on bited. The last satire is now imperfect, and the authenticity insufficient grounds. Thus the satires were published at different intervals, and for the most part composed between 100 and 130, but the most powerful in feeling and vivid in conception among them deal with the experience and impressions of the reign of Domitian, occasionally recall the memories or traditions of the times of Nero and Claudius, and reproduce at least one startling page which constrained Tacitus (Agric. 2, 3), when the time of long from the annals of Tiberius. The same overmastering feeling endurance and silence was over, to recall the "memory of the Pliny's remarks on the vulgarity as well as the ostentation of his host imply that he regarded such behaviour as exceptional, at least in the circle in which he himself lived (Ep. ii. 6). x. 56-107. former oppression," acted upon Juvenal. There is no evidence | as mere examples of disappointed ambition; and, in the indisthat these two great writers, who lived and wrote at the same time, who were animated by the same hatred of the tyrant under whom the best years of their manhood were spent, and who both felt most deeply the degradation of their times, were even known to one another. Tacitus belonged to the highest official and senatorial class, Juvenal apparently to the middle class and to that of the struggling men of letters; and this difference in position had much influence in determining the different bent of their genius, and in forming one to be a great national historian, the other to be a great social satirist. If the view of the satirist is owing to this circumstance more limited in some directions, and his taste and temper less conformable to the best ancient standards of propriety, he is also saved by it from prejudices to which the traditions of his class exposed the historian. But both writers are thoroughly national in sentiment, thoroughly masculine in tone. No ancient authors express so strong a hatred of evil. The peculiar greatness and value of both Juvenal and Tacitus is that they did not shut their eyes to the evil through which they had lived, but deeply resented it-the one with a vehement and burning passion, like the "saeva indignatio" of Swift, the other with perhaps even deeper but more restrained emotions of mingled scorn and sorrow, like the scorn and sorrow of Milton when " fallen on evil days and evil tongues." In one respect there is a difference. For Tacitus the prospect is not wholly cheerless, the detested tyranny was at an end, and its effects might disappear with a more beneficent rule. But the gloom of Juvenal's pessimism is unlighted by hope. criminate condemnation of the arts by which men sought to gain a livelihood, he leaves no room for the legitimate pursuits of industry. His services to morals do not consist in any positive contributions to the notions of active duty, but in the strength with which he has realized and expressed the restraining influence of the old Roman and Italian ideal of character, and also of that religious conscience which was becoming a new power in the world. Though he disclaims any debt to philosophy (xiii. 121), yet he really owes more to the "Stoica dogmata," then prevalent, than he is aware of. But his highest and rarest literary quality is his power of painting characters, scenes, incidents and actions, whether from past history or from contemporary life. In this power, which is also the great power of Tacitus, he has few equals and perhaps no superior among ancient writers. The difference between Tacitus and Juvenal in power of representation is that the prose historian is more of an imaginative poet, the satirist more of a realist and a grotesque humorist. Juvenal can paint great historical pictures in all their detail as in the famous representation of the fall of Sejanus; he can describe a character elaborately or hit it off with a single stroke. The picture drawn may be a caricature, or a misrepresentation of the fact-as that of the father of Demosthenes, "blear-eyed with the soot of the glowing mass," &c.-but it is, with rare exceptions, realistically conceived, and it is brought before us with the vivid touches of a Defoe or a Swift, or of the great pictorial satirist of the 18th century, Hogarth. Yet even in this, his most characteristic talent, his proneness to exaggeration, the attraction which coarse and repulsive images have for his mind, and the tendency to sacrifice general effect to minuteness of detail not infrequently mar his best effects. one. A. C. Swinburne has suggested that the secret of Juvenal's concentrated power consisted in this, that he knew what he hated, and that what he did hate was despotism and democracy. But it would be hardly true to say that the animating motive of The difficulty is often felt of distinguishing between a powerful his satire was political. It is true that he finds the most typical rhetorician and a genuine poet, and it is felt particularly in the examples of lust, cruelty, levity and weakness in the emperors case of Juvenal. He himself knew and has well described and their wives-in Domitian, Otho, Nero, Claudius and Messa- (vii. 53 seq.) the conditions under which a great poet could lina. It is true also that he shares in the traditional idolatry of flourish; and he felt that his own age was incapable of producing Brutus, that he strikes at Augustus in his mention of the "three He has little sense of beauty either in human life or nature. disciples of Sulla," and that he has no word of recognition for Whenever such sense is evoked it is only as a momentary relief to what even Tacitus acknowledges as the beneficent rule of Trajan. his prevailing sense of the hideousness of contemporary life, or in So too his scorn for the Roman populace of his time, who cared protest against what he regarded as the enervating influences of only for their dole of bread and the public games, is unqualified. art. Even his references to the great poets of the past indicate But it is only in connexion with its indirect effects that he seems rather a blasé sense of indifference and weariness than a fresh to think of despotism; and he has no thought of democracy at enjoyment of them. Yet his power of touching the springs of all. It is not for the loss of liberty and of the senatorian rule tragic awe and horror is a genuine poetical gift, of the same kind that he chafes, but for the loss of the old national manliness and as that which is displayed by some of the early English dramatists. self-respect. This feeling explains his detestation of foreign But he is, on the whole, more essentially a great rhetorician than manners and superstitions, his loathing not only of inhuman a great poet. His training, the practical bent of his understandcrimes and cruelties but even of the lesser derelictions from self-ing, his strong but morose character, the circumstances of his respect, his scorn of luxury and of art as ministering to luxury, time, and the materials available for his art, all fitted him to his mockery of the poetry and of the stale and dilettante culture rebuke his own age and all after-times in the tones of a powerful of his time, and perhaps, too, his indifference to the schools of preacher, rather than charm them with the art of an accom philosophy and his readiness to identify all the professors of plished poet. The composition of his various satires shows no stoicism with the reserved and close-cropped puritans, who negligence, but rather excess of elaboration; but it produces concealed the worst vices under an outward appearance of the impression of mechanical contrivance rather than of organic austerity. The great fault of his character, as it appears in his growth. His movement is sustained and powerful, but there is writings, is that he too exclusively indulged this mood. It is no rise and fall in it. The verse is most carefully constructed, much more difficult to find what he loved and admired than and is also most effective, but it is so with the rhetorical effecwhat he hated. But it is characteristic of his strong nature that, tiveness of Lucan, not with the musical charm of Virgil. The where he does betray any sign of human sympathy or tenderness, diction is full, even to excess, of meaning, point and emphasis. it is for those who by their weakness and position are dependent Few writers have added so much to the currency of quotation. on others for their protection-as for "the peasant boy with the But his style altogether wants the charm of ease and simplicity. little dog, his playfellow," or for "the home-sick lad from the It wearies by the constant strain after effect, its mock-heroics Sabine highlands, who sighs for his mother whom he has not seen and allusive periphrasis, and excites distrust by its want of for a long time, and for the little hut and the familiar kids."2 moderation. If Juvenal is to be ranked as a great moralist, it is not for his greatness and consistency as a thinker on moral questions. In the rhetorical exaggeration of the famous tenth satire, for instance, the highest energies of patriotism-the gallant and desperate defence of great causes, by sword or speech-are quoted "Meliusne hic rusticus infans Cum matre et casulis et conlusore catello," &c.-ix. 60. * xi. 152, 153. On the whole no one of the ten or twelve really great writers of ancient Rome leaves on the mind so mixed an impression, both as a writer and as a man, as Juvenal. He has little. if anything at all, of the high imaginative mood-the mood of reverence and noble admiration-which made Ennius, Lucretius and Virgil the truest poetical representatives of the genius of Rome. He has nothing of the wide humanity of Cicero, of the urbanity of Horace, of the ease and grace of Catullus. Yet he is known of him except that he was a Spanish presbyter of distinguished family. About 330 he published his Libri evangeliorum IV., each book containing about 800 hexameters. The represents another mood of ancient Rome, the mood natural to her before she was humanized by the lessons of Greek art and thought. If we could imagine the elder Cato living under Domitian, cut off from all share in public life, and finding no out-division into books is possibly a reminiscence of the number of let for his combative energy except in literature, we should perhaps understand the motives of Juvenal's satire and the place which is his due as a representative of the genius of his country. As a man he shows many of the strong qualities of the old Roman plebeian-the aggressive boldness, the intolerance of superiority and privilege, which animated the tribunes in their opposition to the senatorian rule. Even where we least like him we find nothing small or mean to alienate our respect from him. Though he loses no opportunity of being coarse, he is not licentious; though he is often truculent, he cannot be called malignant. It is, indeed, impossible to say what motives of personal chagrin, of love of detraction, of the mere literary passion for effective writing, may have contributed to the indignation which inspired his verse. But the prevailing impression we carry away after reading him is that in all his early satires he was animated by a sincere and manly detestation of the tyranny and cruelty, the debauchery and luxury, the levity and effeminacy, the crimes and frauds, which we know from other sources were then rife in Rome, and that a more serene wisdom and a happier frame of mind were attained by him when old age had somewhat allayed | the fierce rage which vexed his manhood. " AUTHORITIES.-The remarkable statements in a life found in a late Italian MS. (Barberini, viii. 18)," Iunius Iuvenalis Aquinas Iunio Iuvenale patre matre vero Septumuleia ex Aquinati municipio Claudio Nerone et L. Antistio consulibus (55) natus est, sororem habuit Septumuleiam quae Fuscino (Sat, xiv. 1) nupsit," though not necessarily false, cannot be accepted without confirmation. The earliest evidence for the banishment of Juvenal is that of Sidonius Apollinaris (c. 480), Carm. ix. 269, "Non qui tempore Caesaris secundi | Aeterno coluit Tomos reatu | Nec qui consimili deinde casu Ad vulgi tenuem strepentis auram | Irati fuit his trionis exul," lines which by the exact parallel drawn between Ovid's fate and Juvenal's imply the belief that Juvenal died in exile. The banishment is also mentioned by J. Malalas, a Greek historian subsequent to Justinian, who gives the place as Pentapolis in Africa, Chron. x. 262, Dindorf. The inscription (on a stone now lost) is as follows, the words and letters in brackets being the conjectural restorations of scholars:-"[Cere] ri sacrum [D. Iu] nius Iuvenalis trib. coh. [I] Delmatarum | Ilvir quinq. flamen | divi Vespasiani | vovit dedicavit) que sua pec., Corp. inscr. lat. X. 5382, xiii. 201 sqq. The best of the known manuscripts of Juvenal (P) is at Montpellier (125); but there are several others which cannot be neglected. Amongst these may be specially mentioned the Bodleian MS. (Canon. Lat. 41), which contains a portion of Satire vi., the existence of which was unknown until E. O. Winstedt published it in the Classical Review (1899), pp. 201 seq. Another fragment in the Bibliothèque Nationale was described by C. E. Stuart in the Classical Quarterly (Jan. 1909). Numerous scholia and glossaries attest the interest taken in fuvenal in post-classical times and the middle ages. There are two classes of scholia-the older or "Pithoeana," first published by P. Pithoeus, and the "Cornutus scholia" of less value, specimens of which have been published by various scholars. The earliest edition which need now be mentioned is that of P. Pithoeus, 1585. in which P was first used for the text. Amongst later ones we may mention the commentaries of Ruperti (1819) and C. F. Heinrich (1839, with the old scholia), O. Jahn (1851, critical with the old scholia), A. Weidner (1889), L. Friedländer (1895, with a full verbal index). The most useful English commentaries are those of J. E. B. Mayor (a voluminous and learned commentary on thirteen of the Satires, ii., vi. and ix. being omitted), J. D. Lewis (1882, with a prose translation) and J. D. Duff (1898, expurgated, and ii. and ix, being omitted). There are recent critical texts: conservative and chiefly based on P, by F. Buccheler (1893, with selections from the scholia) and S. G. Owen (in the Oxford Series of Texts); on the other side, by A. E. Housman (1905) and by the same, but with fewer innovations, in the new Corpus poetarum latinorum, fasc. v. The two lastnamed editors alone give the newly discovered lines of Satire vi. There are no recent translations of Juvenal into English verse. Dryden translated i., iii., vi., x. and xvi., the others being committed to inferior hands. Other versions are Gifford's (1802), of some merit, and C. Badham's (1814). Johnson's imitations of Satires iii. and x. are well known. For the numerous articles and contributions to the criticism and elucidation of the Satires, reference should be made to Teuffel's Geschichte der römischen Litteratur (Eng. trans. by Warre), § 331, and Schanz, ditto (1901, ii. § 2, § 420a). (W. Y. S.; J. P. P.) the Gospels. The work itself, written with the idea of ousting the absurdities of Pagan mythology and replacing them by the truths of Christianity, may be called the first Christian epic. In the Praefatio the author expresses the hope that the sacredness of his subject may procure him safety at the final conflagration of the world and admission into heaven. The whole is, in the main, a poetical version of the Gospel of Matthew, the other evangelists only being used for supplementary details. It is founded upon a pre-vulgate Latin translation, although there is evidence that Juvencus also consulted the Greek. In spite of metrical irregularities, the language and style are simple and show good taste, being free from the artificiality of other Christian poets and prose writers, and the author has made excellent use of Virgil (his chief model) and other classical writers. Juvencus set the fashion of verse translations of the Bible, and the large number of MSS. of his poem mentioned in lists and still extant are sufficient evidence of its great popularity. According to Jerome, he was also the author of some poems on the sacraments, but no trace of these has survived. The Latin Heptateuch, a hexameter version of the first seven books of the Old Testament, has been attributed to Juvencus amongst others; but it is now generally supposed to be the work of a certain Cyprianus, a Gaul who lived in the 6th century, possibly a bishop of Toulon, author of the Life of Caesarius, bishop of Arelate (Arles). See M. Manitius, Geschichte der christlich-lateinischen Poesie (1891); (1889); editions of Juvencus by C. Marold (1886); J. Hümer in A. Ebert, Allgemeine Geschichte der Literatur des Mittelalters, vol. i. Corpus scriptorum ecclesiasticorum latinorum, vol. xxiv. (Vienna, 1891); J. T. Hatfield, A Study of Juvencus (1890), dealing with syntax, metre and language; editions of the Heptateuch by J. E. B. Mayor (1889; reviewed by W. Sanday in Classical Review, October 1889, and by J. T. Hatfield in American Journal of Philology, vol. xi., 1890), and R. Peiper, vol. xxiii. of the Vienna series above. JUVENILE OFFENDERS. In modern social science the question of the proper penal treatment of juvenile (i.e. nonadult) offenders has been increasingly discussed; and the reformatory principle, first applied in the case of children, has even been extended to reclaimable adult offenders (juveniles in crime, if not in age) in a way which brings them sufficiently within the same category to be noticed in this article. In the old days the main idea in England was to use the same penal methods for all criminals, young and old; when the child broke the law he was sent to prison like his elders. It was only in comparatively recent times that it was realized that child criminals were too often the victims to circumstances beyond their own control. They were cursed with inherited taint; they were brought up among evil surroundings; they suffered from the culpable neglect of vicious parents, and still more from bad example and pernicious promptings. They were rather potential than actual criminals, calling for rescue and regeneration rather than vindictive reprisals. Under the old system a painstaking English gaol chaplain calculated that 58% of all criminals had made their first lapse at fifteen. Boys and girls laughed at imprisonment. Striplings of thirteen and fourteen had been committed ten, twelve, sixteen or seventeen times. Religion and moral improvement were little regarded in prisons, industrial and technical training were impossible. The chief lesson learnt was an intimate and contemptuous acquaintance with the demoralizing interior of a gaol. There were at one time in London 200 "flash houses" frequented by 6000 boys trained and proficient in thieving and depredation. The substantial movement for reform dates from the protests of Charles Dickens, who roused public opinion to such an extent that the first Reformatory School Act was passed in 1854. Sporadic efforts to meet the evil had indeed been made earlier. In 1756 the Marine Society established a school for the JUVENCUS, GAIUS VETTIUS AQUILINUS, Christian poet, reception and reform of younger criminals; in 1788 the City of flourished during the reign of Constantine the Great. Nothing | London formed a similar institution, which grew much later into the farm school at Redhill. In 1838 an act of parliament | of the law and to the establishment of two kinds of subsidiary created an establishment at Parkhurst for the detention and industrial schools, short detention of truant schools and day correction of juvenile offenders, to whom pardon was given industrial schools in which children do not reside but receive conditional on their entrance into some charitable institution. their meals, their elementary education and a certain amount Parkhurst was technically a prison, and the system combined of industrial training. The total admissions to truant schools industrial training with religious and educational instruction. in 1907 were 1368 boys, and the numbers actually in the schools These earlier efforts had, however, been quite insufficient to on the last day of that year were 1125 with 2568 on licence. meet the evils, for in the years immediately preceding 1854 The average length of detention was fourteen weeks and three crime was being so constantly reinforced in its beginnings, days on first admission, seventeen weeks and five days on first under the existing penal system, that it threatened to re-admission, and twenty-three weeks six days on second reswamp the country. Unofficial, but more or less accurate, admission. The total number of admissions into truant schools figures showed that between 11,000 and 12,000 juveniles from 1878 to the end of 1907 was 44,315, of whom just half had passed annually through the prisons of England and Wales, a been licensed and not returned, 11,239 had been licensed and third of the whole number being contributed by London alone. once re-admitted, 8900 had been re-admitted twice or oftener. In 1854 the total reached 14,000. The ages of offenders ranged from less than twelve to seventeen; 60% of the whole were between fourteen and seventeen; 46% had been committed more than once; 18% four times and more. The Reformatory School Act 1854, which was thrashed out at conferences held in Birmingham in 1851 and 1853, substituted the school for the gaol, and all judicial benches were empowered to send delinquents to schools when they had been guilty of acts punishable by short imprisonment, the limit of which was at first fourteen and became afterwards ten days. A serious flaw in this act long survived; this was the provision that a short period of imprisonment in gaol must precede reception into the reformatory; it was upheld by well-meaning but mistaken people as essential for deterrence. But more enlightened opinion condemned the rule as inflicting an indelible prison taint and breeding contamination, even with ample and effective safeguards. Wiser legislation has followed, and an act of 1899 abolished preliminary imprisonment. Existing reformatories, or "senior home office schools" as they are officially styled, in England numbered 44 in 1907. They receive all juvenile offenders, up to the age of sixteen, who have been convicted of an offence punishable with penal servitude or imprisonment. The number of these during the years between 1894 and 1906 constantly varied, but the figure of the earliest date, 6604, was never exceeded, and in some years it was considerably less, while in 1906 it was no more than 5586. though the general population had increased by several millions in the period. These figures, in comparison with those of 1854, must be deemed highly satisfactory, even when we take into account that the latter went up to the age of seventeen. Older offenders, between sixteen and twenty-one, come within the category of juvenile adults and are dealt with differently (see Borstal Scheme below). Other schools must be classed with the reformatory, although they have no connexion with prisons and deal with youths who are only potential criminals. The first in importance are the industrial schools. When the newly devised reformatories were doing excellent service it was realized that many of the rising generation might some day lapse into evil ways but were still on the right side and might with proper precautions be kept there. They wanted preventive, not punitive treatment, and for them industrial schools were instituted. The germ of these establishments existed in the Ragged Schools, "intended to educate destitute children and save them from vagrancy and crime." They had been invented by John Pounds (1766-1839), a Portsmouth shoemaker, who, early in the 19th century, was moved with sympathy for these little outcasts and devoted himself to this good work. The ragged school movement found powerful support in active philanthropists when public attention was aroused to the prevalence of juvenile delinquency. The first Industrial School Act was passed in 1856 and applied only to Scotland. Next year its provisions were extended to England, and their growth was rapid. There were 45 schools in the beginning; in 1878 the number had more than becn doubled; in 1907 there were 102 in England and Wales and 31 in Scotland. The provisions of the Education Acts 1871 and 1876 led to a iarge increase in the number of children committed for breaches The day industrial schools owed their origin to another reason than the enforcement of the Education Acts. It was found that some special treatment was required for large masses of youths in large cities, who were in such a neglected or degraded condition that there was little hope of their growing into healthy men and women or becoming good citizens. They were left unclean, were ill-fed and insufficiently clothed, and were not usefully taught. The total number who attended these day schools in 1907 was 1951 boys and 1232 girls. The disciplinary system of the English schools is planned upon the establishment or institution system, as opposed to that of the family" or 'boarding out" systems adopted in some countries, and some controversy has been aroused as to the comparative value of the methods. The British practice has always favoured the well-governed school, with the proviso that it is kept small so that the head may know all of his charges. But a compromise has been effected in large establishments by dividing the boys into "houses," each containing a small manageable total as a family under an official father or head. Under this system the idea of the home is maintained, while uniformity of treatment and discipline is secured by grouping several houses together under one general authority. The plan of " boarding out " is not generally approved of in England; the value of the domestic training is questionable and of uncertain quality, depending entirely upon the character and fitness of the foster-parents secured. Education must be less systematic in the private home, industrial training is less easily carried out, and there can be none of that esprit de corps that stimulates effort in physical training as applied to athletics and the playing of games. No very definite decision has been arrived at as to the comparative merits of institution life and boarding out. Among the Latin races-France, Italy, Portugal and Spainthe former is as a rule preferred; also in Belgium; in Germany, Holland and the United States placing out in private families is very much the rule; in Austria-Hungary and Russia beth methods are in use. The total admissions to English reformatory schools from their creation to the 31st of December 1907 amounted to 76.455. or 64,031 boys and 12,424 girls. The total discharges for the same period were 70,890, or 59,081 boys and 11.809 girls. The results may be tested by the figures for those discharged in 1904, 1905 and 1906:— Boys.-3573 were placed out, of whom 66 had died, leaving 3507: of these it was found that 2735 (or about 78%) were in regular employment; 158 (or about 4%) were in casual employment: 439 (or about 13%) had been convicted; and 175 (or about 5%) were unknown. Girls.-480, of whom 11 had died, leaving 469; of these it was found that 384 (or about 82%) were in regular employment; 28 (or about 6%) were in casual employment; 17 (or about 4%) had been convicted, and 40 (or about 8%) were unknown. For industrial schools, including truant and day schools, the total admissions, up to the 31st of December 1907, were 153.893, or 120.955 boys and 32,938 girls. The total discharges to the same date (excluding transfers) were 136,961, or 108,398 boys and 28,563 girls. The results as tested by those discharged in 1904, 1905 and 1906 were as follow: Boys.-8909 were placed out, of whom 118 had since died, leaving 8791 to be reported on; of these it was found that 7547 (or about 86%) were in regular employment; 415 (or about 4-7%) were in casual employment; 419 (or about 4·7%) convicted or recommitted; and 410 (or about 4.6%) unknown. Girls.-2505 placed out, of whom 50 had died, leaving 2455: cf these 2180 (or about 89 %) were in regular employment; 112 (or about 4 %) were in casual employment; 21 (or about 1 %) convicted or re-committed; and 142 (or about 6 %) unknown. These results are of course wholly independent of those achieved by the juvenile-adult prison reformatory at Borstal instituted in October 1902. The record of the first year's work of this excellent system showed that 50% of cases placed out had done well, thanks to the system and philanthropic labours of the Borstal Association. An interesting point in regard to the reclamation of these criminally inclined juveniles is the nature of the employments to which they have been recommended, and in which, as shown, they have done so well. In 1904, 1905 and 1906, the total number of boys discharged and placed was 12,482. By far the largest number of these, nearly a sixth, joined the army, 679 of them entering the bands; 292 joined the navy; 961 the mercantile marine; 1567 went to farm service; 414 worked in factories or mills as skilled hands; but others joined as labourers, a general class the total of which was 1096. Other jobs found included miners (629), carters (352), iron or steel workers (214), mechanics (301), shoemakers (181), tailors (161), shop assistants (228), carpenters (178), bakers (131), messengers and porters, including 112 errand boys (315). The balance found employment in smaller numbers at other trades. The fate of 585 was unknown, 858 had been re-convicted, and the balance were in unrecorded or casual employment. The outlets found by the girls from these various schools naturally follow lines appropriate to their sex and the instruction received. Out of a total of 2985 discharged in the three years mentioned, 1235 became general servants, 268 housemaids, 203 laundry-maids, 52 cooks, 98 nursemaids, 65 dressmakers, 221 were engaged in factories and mills, and the balance was made up by marriage, death or casual employment. In Ireland the reformatory and industrial school system conforms to that of Great Britain. There were in 1905 six reformatory and 70 industrial schools in Ireland, mostly under Roman Catholic management. A short account of the reformatory methods of dealing with juvenile offenders in certain other countries will fitly find a place here. Austria-Hungary.-The law leaves children of less than ten years of age to domestic discipline, as also children above that age if not exactly criminal, although the latter may be sent to correctional schools. There they are detained for varying periods, but never after twenty years of age, and they may be sent out on licence to situations or employment found for them. These schools also receive children between ten and fourteen guilty of crimes which are, however, by law deemed "contraventions" only; also the destitute between the same ages and the incorrigible whose parents cannot manage them. In Hungary the penal code prescribes that children of less than twelve cannot be charged with offences; those between twelve and sixteen may be deemed to have acted without discretion, and thus escape sentence, but are sent to a correctional school where they may be detained till they are twenty years of age. An excellent system prevails in Hungary by which the supervision of those liberated is entrusted to a "protector," a philanthropic person in the district who visits and reports upon the conduct of the boys, much like the "probation officer "in the United States. Belgium.-The law of November 1891 places the whole mass of juveniles-those who are likely to give trouble and those who have already done so-at the disposal of the state. The system is very elastic, realizing the infinite variety of childish natures. The purely paternal régime would be wasted upon the really vicious; a severe discipline would press too heavily on the well-disposed. Accordingly, all juveniles, male and female, are divided into six principal classes with a corresponding treatment, it being strictly ruled that there is no intermingling of the classes; the very youngest, rescued early, are never to be associated with the older, who may be already vicious and degraded and who could not fail to exercise a pernicious influence. One of the great merits of the Belgian system is that the regulations may be relaxed, and children of whose amendment good hopes are entertained may be released provisionally, either to the care of parents and guardians or to employers, artisans or agriculturists who will teach them a trade. Denmark. There were 61 establishments of all classes for juveniles in Denmark in 1906, holding some 2000 inmates. In 1874, by the will of Countess Danner, a large female refuge was founded at Castle Jagerspris, which holds some 360 girls. Another of the same class is the Royal Vodrofsvei Bonnehjem at Copenhagen, founded in the same year by Mlle Schneider. The régime preferred in Denmark is that of the family or the very small school. The Jagerspris system is to divide the whole number of 360 into small parties of 20 each under a nurse or official mother. Employment in Danish schools is mainly agricultural, field labour and gardening, with a certain amount of industrial training; and on discharge the inmates go to farms or to apprenticeship, while a few emigrate. France. There are five methods of disposing of juvenile offenders in France: 1. The preliminary or preventative prison (maisons d'arrêt and de justice) for those arrested and accused. 2. The ordinary prison for all sentenced to less than six months, whose time of detention is too short to admit of their transfer to a provincial colony. It also receives children whom parents have found unmanageable. children, acquitted as "without discretion," as well as for the guilty 3. The public or private penitentiary colony for the irresponsible sentenced to more than six months' and less than two years' detention. receiving all sentenced for more than two years and all who have 4. The correctional colony, where the system is more severe, misconducted themselves in the milder establishments. particular sentence. 5. Various penitentiary houses for young females, whatever their Foremost among French penal reformers stands the name of F. A. Demetz (1796-1873), the founder of the famous colony of Mettray. M. Demetz was a judge who, aghast at the evils inflicted upon children whom he was compelled by law to imprison, left the bench and undertook to find some other outlet for them. At that time the French law, while it acquitted minors shown to have acted without discretion, still consigned them for safe keeping and inevitable contamination to the common gaols. M. Demetz conceived the idea of an agricultural colony, and in 1840 organized a small "société paternelle," as it was called, of which he became vice-president. Another philanthropist, the Vicomte de Bretignières de Courteilles, a landed proprietor in Touraine, associated himself in the enter prise and endowed the institution with land at Mettray near Tours. The earliest labours at Mettray were in the development of the institution, but as this approached completion they were applied to farmwork, agricultural employment being the chief feature of the place. The motto and device of Mettray was "the moralization of youth by the cultivation of the soil "; a healthy life in the open air was to replace the enervating and demoralizing influences of the confined prisons; and this was effected in the usual farming operations, to which were added gardening, vine-dressing, the raising of stock and the breeding of silkworms. The labour was not light; on the contrary, the directors of the colony sought by constant employment to send their charges to bed tired, ready to sleep soundly and not romp and chatter in their dormitories. The excellence of its aims, and the manifestly good results that were growing out of the system, soon made Mettray a model for imitation in France and beyond it. Many establishments were planned upon it, started by the state or private enterprise; penitentiary colonies were created for boys in connexion with some of the great central prisons. The colony of Val de Yèvre has a good record. It was started by a private philanthropist, Charles J. M. Lucas, (1803-1889) but after five-and-twenty years was handed over to the state. Other cognate establishments are those of Petit Quevilly near Rouen, Petit Bourg near Paris, St Hiliar and Eysses. There are several female colonies, especially that of Darnetal at Rouen. It is for the magistrate or juge d'instruction to select the class of establishment to which the juvenile delinquents brought before him shall be committed. The very young, those of twelve years of age and under, are placed out in the country with families, unless they can be again entrusted to their parents or committed to maisons paternels, containing very limited numbers, twenty or thirty, in charge of a large staff. After twelve, and from that age to fourteen or fifteen, the "ungrateful age' as |