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FREEMEN.] A Petition of the rev. John | the said borough, such votes as were given Newman, clerk, Thomas Fenn esq. John to him and in his favour are and ought to Addison esq., Robert Anderson, Robert be considered as null and void; and that Daking, Henry Hayward, John Holman the return and election of the said C. the younger, Joseph Herbert, the elder, Wyatt, ought also to be considered as null John Burkitt, Edward Burkitt, James Ab- and void; and that the said C. Wyatt litt the elder, and John Barker the younger, ought to be deemed no member duly freemen of the borough of Sudbury, in elected for the said borough; and praythe county of Suffolk, was read; setting ing, that a day may be appointed by the forth, House for taking the premises into consideration, and that the election of the said C. Wyatt may be declared null and void, and his incapacity to sit and vote as member for the said borough of Sudbury, be declared, and that the House will otherwise grant to the petitioners such relief in the premises as to the House shall seem

meet."

Ordered to be taken into consideration on Tuesday the 16th of February.

HASLEMERE ELECTION-PETITION OF MESSRS. GRAVES.] A Petition of Richard Graves and of Samuel Colleton Graves, of Hembury Fort, in the county of Devon, esquires, was presented and read; setting forth,

"That, previously to, and at, the last general election, the petitioners were freemen of the said borough of Sudbury, and had, and claimed to have, a right to vote for members to represent the said borough in parliament; and that, at the said last general election, sir John Cox Hippesley bart. and Charles Wyatt esq., were candidates, and were returned as members having been duly elected for the said borough; and that, after the teste of the writ of summons for the election of proper persons to represent the said borough of Sudbury, and before the said election, and also at and during the time of the said election, and before the return made, the said Charles Wyatt did, by himself, and by his agents and friends, with his privity and consent, and by his directions, and on his behalf, give to divers electors of the said borough, or persons being, or claiming to be, electors of the said borough, and having votes at such election, money, meat, drink, entertainment, and provision, and the said C. Wyatt, his agents and friends, with his privity and consent, and by his directions, did also make and give such persons, so having votes as aforesaid, preBents, gifts, rewards, and entertainments, and did also, previously to and at the time of the said election, make promises and agreements, and enter into obligations and engagements, to give and allow such persons money, meat, drink, provision, pre-election, guilty of gross and corrupt parsents, rewards, and entertainments, in order that the said C. Wyatt might be elected as one of the representatives in parliament for the said borough; and that, by reason of such conduct, the said C. Wyatt acted in defiance of the standing orders of the House, and in violation of the laws and statutes of the realm, and thereby the petitioners submit to the House that the said C. Wyatt became and was incapable of being returned or elected to serve in parliament for the said borough; and that the petitioners submit to the House, that the said C. Wyatt, having so become le gally incapable of being returned and elected as one of the representatives for

"That, at the last election of members to serve in this present parliament for the borough of Haslemere, in the county of Surrey, the right hon. Charles Long, Robert Ward esq., and the petitioners, were candidates; and that George Frederick Gordon, who then exercised the office of bailiff of the said borough, and acted as returning officer thereof, did, after a poll had been duly demanded at the said election, postpone the commencement thereof unnecessarily and illegally to the next day at 12 o'clock, under a false pretence, for the purpose of harassing the petitioners by delay; and that the said G. F. Gordon was, at and before, and during, the said

tiality in favour of the said C. Long and R. Ward, to the injury of the petitioners, and did, by himself or his agent, after the dissolution of the last parliament, and the issuing the writ for the said election, and previous to the closing of the poll, allow, or cause or procure to be given and allowed, by various ways and means, to divers persons who had or claimed a right to vote in the said election, money neat drink entertainment and provision, and did make, and allow to be made, promises to give and allow money meat drink and provisions to such persons, or to the use and benefit of such persons, in order to obtain their vote at

the said election for the said C. Long and R. Ward; and that the said C. Long and R. Ward, by themselves or their agents, their friends or their adherents, after the teste of the writ, before and during the said election, by various ways and means, did give, allow, and promise and permit to be so given, allowed, and promised, money meat drink provision and entertainment to divers persons, or to and for the use of divers persons claiming a right to vote at the said election, in order to obtain their votes, contrary to the express law of the land; and that the said G. F. Gordon, as such returning officer, did illegally admit divers persons to vote at the said election for the said C. Long and R. Ward, who had no legal or good right to vote at such election, and rejected and disallowed the votes of several persons who had a good and legal right and title to vote at such election, and who tendered themselves to vote for the petitioners, and whose votes ought to have been received and entered on the poll; and that divers other persons, who were duly qualified to vote at the said election, and who were then and there present at the time and place of the said election, who were ready, willing, and desirous to vote for the petitioners, were intimidated by threats, and were thereby and otherwise prevented by the said C. Long and R. Ward, or their agents or others on their behalf, from giving their votes for the petitioners as they otherwise would have done; and that, by the aforesaid illegal and corrupt conduct of the said G. F. Gordon, as such returning officer, and by the said unlawful and corrupt practices of the said C. Long and R. Ward, by themselves, or by their agents or others on their behalf, the said C. Long and R. Ward obtained a colourable majority over the petitioners, and procured themselves to be returned for the said borough, to the prejudice of the petitioners, and in violation of their rights; whereas the petitioners allege that they had a majority of good and legal voters, who were willing to vote for them, and tendered their votes; and that the petitioners ought to have been returned for the said borough; and that the said C. Long and R. Ward were not duly and sufficiently qualified by law to serve in parliament for the said borough, and that they are also disqualified from being elected as members of the House by the pensions and places possessed by them or either of them, or to and for their use and

benefit, contrary to the usage and privileges of the House, and to the express law of the land; and praying, that the said C. Long and R. Ward may be declared not duly elected, and that the pe-. titioners may be declared duly elect ed, and the return amended accordingly, and that the petitioners may be allowed such relief as to the House shall appear meet."

Ordered, to be taken into consideration upon the 18th of February.

RE

Mr.

ADDRESS FOR COMMUNICATIONS SPECTING THE SLAVE TRADE.] Wilberforce, observing that there had been recently published in the daily prints some circumstances of a nature calculated to excite the attention and anxiety of all those who felt an interest in the complete. accomplishment of that most important object, the Abolition of the Slave Trade, and that it was highly advisable that the most satisfactory information relative to these circumstances should be laid before parliament, moved "That an humble Address be presented to his royal highness the Prince Regent, that he will be graciously pleased to give directions that there be laid before this House, copies of all communications from the governor of the Cape of Good Hope, and from the governor of the islands of Bourbon and Mauritius, received since the capture of those settlements respectively, so far as they relate to the carrying on of the Slave Trade in those settlements, or in any of the neighbouring islands."

Mr. Browne said, he did not rise to oppose the motion, but he could not refrain from saying that if an excuse were wanting for that sort of evasion of the Abolition Bill, of which the honourable member complained, it was to be found in that system of recruiting in Africa which had been lately established under the authority of government for the purpose of filling up the ranks of the Black regiments in the West Indies; a system which, while it had the effect of reviving, nay and of perpetuating all the evils of a trade which had been characterised as inhuman and unjust, had, at the same time, the effect of inducing in the eyes of Europe, a doubt of the sincerity and good faith of our intentions on the great question of the abolition of that trade, and at a time, too, when as his Majesty's ministers had before informed the House, they were using their utmost endeavours to effect a general

co-operation in the total abandonment of the trade, upon which that amelioration in the state of Africa which we contemplate must mainly depend. It was no answer to say, that the object of this recruiting establishment was to procure free persons only. He was at a loss to know where persons were to be found in Africa to exercise any discretion upon the question of enlistment, but admitting it to be practicable; still, as the procuring of men there was the object in view, and as that object might be accomplished by means not unlike the means resorted to during the continuance of the trade, which it would be out of the power of the government there to controul or prevent, that of itself, should have been a motive sufficient to prevent this evil establishment, at least with those who sincerely felt anxious to see the practical benefits of the abolition manifesting themselves in Africa.

Lord Castlereagh remarked, that as no objection was made to the production of the papers moved for by the hon. gentleman near him, whatever foundation there might be for the apprehension of the hon. gentleman who had just sat down, would be a subject better fitted for discussion on some future day when these papers might be on the table of the House.

Mr. Bennet wished to know whether or not, in spite of our efforts to prevent it, the Portuguese and Spaniards did not carry on a traffic for slaves with the British colonies-a traffic composed of piracy and oppression? He wished also to make another inquiry connected with this interesting subject. We had a chain of forts in Africa, which, during the existence of the Slave Trade, were used as depots for slaves. He was positively informed, that during last summer, the governors of some of these forts actually supplied no less than 47 Portuguese vessels with slaves. Had steps been taken by government to put an end to this shameful abuse?

Lord Castlereagh expressed his regret at not being able at that moment com pletely to satisfy the hon. gentleman's enquiries. He could assure him, however, that the exertions of his Majesty's government had been used most sincerely to prevail upon those countries with which they had any influence to concur in terminating this abominable traffic. He trusted that these countries were inclined to adopt the measures suggested to them for

that purpose, and that the trade would soon be wholly suppressed. With respect to the statement made by the hon. gentleman, relative to the conduct of the governors of some of our forts in Africa, all he could say was, that the information alluded to by the hon. gentleman had not come within his knowledge,

The Chancellor of the Exchequer said, that the forts mentioned by the hon. gentleman were under consideration at the time of Mr. Perceval's death, but the change of government, which followed upon that event, prevented, as yet, any further consideration of the subject.

Mr. Bennet wished to know whether the government had received any communication respecting the breach of the Abolition Act by the governors of any of these forts?

Mr. Goulburn said, there had been one communication to that effect, made to the naval commander upon that station, but upon investigation it was found to have been groundless.

The motion was then agreed to.

Mr. Wilberforce proceeded to move for further papers connected with the same subject. He confessed that he had listened to the speech of the hon. gentleman opposite (Mr. Browne) with some disquiet, as, in the early part of it, there seemed an intimation similar to that which had so frequently been urged in parliament against the abolition itself, namely, that the existence of an enormity in one place justified the practice of an enormity in another. This disquiet, however, was removed by the conclusion of the hon. gentleman's obser vations. With respect to the scheme of enlisting Africans on the coast, to fill up the black corps in the West Indies, he confessed that he was acquainted with the original intention of carrying that scheme into effect, and that he thought it was accompanied by guards sufficient to prevent it from being abused. How far these guards had actually turned out to be adequate to their object, was certainly a question of considerable importance; and one which ought to be investigated deliberately, and not incidentally. But at any rate, it ap peared to him that all idea of compulsion-of slavery-was wholly out of the question. With respect to the conduct of our navy on the African station, it had been such as reflected upon it the highest credit. Even the common sailors had refused to share the wages of iniquity; in one case in particular, in which a number of

unfortunate African slaves, men, women, and children, had been discovered hidden on board a vessel professedly laden with cattle. These wretched beings had been induced to conceal themselves and to abstain almost from breathing, by the master of the vessel, who told them, that if they were discovered, they would be killed and eaten. They were, however, discovered and released, and this occurrence afforded an additional proof of that humanity by which our naval officers and seamen were no less distinguished than by their bravery, and the eminent services they had rendered to their country. As to the abuses that were alleged to have crept into the enlisting for the black corps, he repeated that they ought to be enquired into, and if they really existed, to be stopped. But he confessed he did not believe, that with the guards which had been devised, any such abuses could prevail. He concluded by moving, "That there be laid before this House, copies of all communications received by the lords commissioners of the Admiralty from the chief naval officer at the Cape of Good Hope, so far as they respect the carrying on of the Slave Trade in that settlement, or in any of the neighbouring islands."-Ordered.

the gallant general, upon his signal services, upon his high merits and great achievements, there could exist no difference of opinion. The House should recollect, that the honours which had been hitherto conferred on lord Wellington by his sovereign, were not sought for by him; that such honours were not conferred merely for the gratification of the individual, to be worn by him as memorials of his military greatness, and testimonies of his sovereign's regard, they were conferred as an example to others-that they might feel those motives to noble exertion, to gallant service, and military fame, which could not fail to hold out a generous excitement to every person that had the happiness to live under our free and happy constitution. Honours of such a nature should be always conferred less with a view to the individual than to their general effects; but the House must also feel, that in conferring such honours, there was at least an implied engagement that they should be neither burthensome nor painful to the person who received them, but conferred in such a way as to make them worthy both of the crown and of the people. The honours with which the marquis of Wellington had been graced, were not merely bestowed by the crown, but were called for by the voice of the nation. And he might say with truth, that the sanction and approbation of that House had followed so closely upon the gift of the sovereign, that the honours of the brave general were not less under the sanction of parliament than of the crown. By such conduct they Lord Castlereagh said, that in calling the had, at least, marked the extent of his attention of the House to the Message claims. Lord Wellington, though yet a which his Royal Highness had been graci- young man, though much he hoped of ously pleased to lay before them, he might, his valuable life would be yet spent in the he believed, feel and express a confidence service of his country; however, young that, at least upon the principle of the as he was, he had received more testiMessage, there could exist but little, if any monies of his sovereign's favour than any variety of opinion. There was, he was subject who lived before his time, not exconvinced, no person who then heard him, cepting even the great duke of Marlbo that could feel any unwillingness to repay rough. It was the singular fortune of that the services of so gallant and so distin- distinguished officer, that in addition to the guished an officer as the marquis of Wel-rewards and honours bestowed by his sovelington, with every title of honour that the crown could confer, and every pecuniary reward the country could afford to bestow. Whatever difficulty there might exist in the calculation of what was due to his services, and what was due to the nation; whatever might be the limits they would feel it necessary to impose upon the principle of the Message, and the generosity that dictated it, upon the claims of

GRANT TO THE MARQUIS OF WELLINGTON.] The House resolved itself into a Committee of the whole House, for the purpose of taking into consideration the Prince Regent's Message, relative to the marquis of Wellington. On the Message being read by the chairman,

reign, he had received upon six different occasions what was not less flattering or less honourable, the thanks of that House:-on lord Wellington, who was younger in years but not in experience, the thanks of that House had been conferred not less than eight times, six of which had been for his services on the peninsula, where he was opposed, not as he had been before to an Indian enemy, but to armies long accus

The Bill then passed through a Committee, and was ordered to be reported to

morrow.

HOUSE OF COMMONS.

Monday, December 7.

PETITION FROM LEICESTER CLERGY RESPECTING THE ROMAN CATHOLICS.] Mr. Lee Keck presented a Petition from the archdeacon and clergy of the archdeaconry and county of Leicester, setting forth,

neral councils; that the baneful influence of these tenets is not to be ascertained from the exterior of society in Protestant establishments, where the number of Roman Catholics is comparatively small, not in Great Britain, where they are kept in check by the strong arm of Protestant power; but in Popish governments, by the persecutions of all without the pale of their own Church, but exclusive of facts, that their tenets are so incompatible with the civil and religious liberty of our constitution that they cannot harmonize to

amity and unity between them; and is it to be imagined that the possession of political power will operate as a soporific on tenets always active in self-aggrandizement, and never quiescent unless in a state of compression; and that the petitioners cannot by any casuistry conscientiously pronounce a religion to be corrupt and

"That the archdeacon and clergy afore-gether, there can be no communion of said, take the liberty of stating to the House, that although they have hitherto been passive observers of the growing claims of our Roman Catholic brethren, the period is now arrived when silence might seem to sanction those general claims of freedom from all disabilities, which they beg leave to oppose for the following reasons; viz. that the repeal of the restric-idolatrous, yet appear to support it; retive statutes, graciously intended to pacify nounce communion with it as erroneous, the discontents of the Roman Catholics, and yet do any thing that may contribute hath only served to render their discon- to the spread of its errors; invest its tents less peaceful; that civil privileges members with honour and power which awarded to them as the ultimatum of their may render their example more attractive, desires, and, upon their own avowal, as without participating in the corruption closing the doors of parliament against and idolatry of those who may thus be them, were received with a secret reserve misled; and that the principles avowed at of being only pro hac vice, and have the Revolution, recognized and interwoven opened a still wider door for future de- in the very texture of the Coronation Oath mands that concessions seem only to ever since, and with most religious firmhave begotten fresh concessions, to be re- ness adhered to by the father of his peopeated till nothing be left to be conceded, ple, our most gracious, venerable, and and that in the original formation of a beloved monarch, throughout his very arcivil government, the Roman Catholics duous reign, embolden us to hope that no might perhaps demand the allowance of peculiarity of times and circumstances their claims, but in one already formed, will lead to the removal of those sacred and whose constitutional laws are funda- bulwarks by which our ancestors have mentally hostile to such claim, they can happily secured the safety of the Church, only be granted upon the principle of ex- the throne, and the Protestant community pediency, and as an experiment which is at large; and that however desirious the pregnant with danger to civil and religious petitioners may be to conciliate the esteem liberty, and therefore not to be hazarded; and prove their charity for their Roman and that the petitioners do not and cannot Catholic brethren, by acquiescing in consider this question in a political view, their claims, yet the paramount duty of to the exclusion of religious principles, all preserving the existing establishments dethe actions of moral agents being in one nies them that satisfaction, and obliges sense, and that the only guarantee of in-them to declare, in conjunction with the tegrity strictly of a religious nature, not great mass of the Protestant population of less so in the cabinet than in the church; the empire, and it is humbly hoped of and that the resistance of the petitioners Protestant Houses of Lords and Commonsis not founded merely upon any difference Nolumus Leges Anglia mutari.”—Ordered in the creeds of Protestants and Roman to lie on the table. Catholics considered in the abstract, but upon the nature of this difference as in- GREAT GRIMSBY ELECTION-PETITION volving tenets of exclusive salvation, OF ELECTORS.] A Petition of Charles Lowforeign allegiance, and infallibility of ge-cock, William Wray, and William Nundy,

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