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province whenever they pleased. The spirit of the Spanish peasantry was good, but there was none in the Spanish nobility. The reasons assigned by the noble marquis for the failure of the campaign were the true ones: not those stated by the noble earl, who confessed that he always expected co-operation from the Spaniards. It was the want of means; the failure of supplies and resources; and not

on the part of the Spaniards (a hope and expectation now cherished for the fiftieth time and as often proved abortive) which had led to the improductive result of all these exertions. The blame did not lie with the Spaniards, but with those who encouraged hopes which they had no right to entertain. The truth was, the Spaniards were not possessed of the materials for this co-operation, and the fault was with the noble earl and his friends the English ministers, who in their ignorance overrated the condition of Spain, and anticipated more from her than she was or could by possibility be able to perform. Were he in the noble earl's situation, he would rather confess the inadequacy of his policy, than come forward and say, at the end of the year,- O dear; we expected such things, but we have been disappointed.' If they had, as they boast

for the sake of a little temporary advan- | tage. But France had originally military possession of the country, and was it reasonable or at all feasible to expect at the outset that her vast power could be overmastered by the single efforts of the military means and resources of this country? He therefore contended that when the war commenced he was justified in holding the opinion that there was no chance of any favourable result from the inter-disappointment in expected co-operation vention of the arms of Great Britain or any aid we could afford the Spanish nation. At no period could our means be considered adequate in the contemplation of such an enterprize. How, then, could they have been reckoned sufficient when France possessed the whole resources of the continent and wielded the arms of Europe in alliance with her own? Whatever, therefore, chance might since have produced, he contended that the deliverance of Spain in the view of a statesman was originally beyond the utmost means of this country, and that this position had been since established by experience. The allusions made by the noble earl to the periods of king William and queen Anne were without analogy and inconclusive. As to his own former observations and reasonings, they had reference to a different state of France, in which she had not such a union of all Europe to supported, 130,000 men on the continent, why her. He was of opinion, that it was only when we saw a powerful embodied army on the continent belonging to our allies, that we ought to put forth our exertions; and that we ought to assist our continental allies only as auxiliaries, not as principals. No diversion had been made in concert with lord Wellington, where it ought to have been made, unless we could call that one which was made in the fens of Walcheren. His noble friend had well stated that the ministry had not as yet advanced one step in their accomplishment of their object in the Spanish war: why, then, should he be ashamed to avow his former opinion, when this third advance into the interior of Spain had, by its failure, proved the correctness of the data on which that opinion was founded? Nor must the noble earl think, that he had answered his noble friend when he stated the number of our troops on the continent, or when he made a boast of having delivered Andalusia from the French. This was an empty boast; for no one believed that the release was more than temporary, and that the French army could not re-occupy the

was there so little done, when the expence was so great? or why were 20,000 British troops kept idle in Sicily? Had the measures of his noble friend (earl Grey) on leaving office in 1807 been adopted, that would have prevented the necessity of locking up such a force in Sicily. But their non-adoption could not create surprize; as it was now pretty well understood, that an epigram caused these men to be kept in Sicily, when they ought to have been in Spain. This was another of the effects of that fashion among the present ministers which affected to despise every thing coming from those who preceded them, but if instead of this folly they had followed the good counsel left them, they would have placed these men at the immediate disposal of lord Wellington, and thereby, in all probability, decided at once the fate of the peninsula. But, with regard to Spain, ministers were always too late; and the noble earl was obliged to recur to his last and usual defence-the abuse of his agent, whom he charges with the failure of the co-operation from Sicily, which was expected by lord

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lity sooner. But now they displayed their spirit, when our government had put the means in their power; particularly by the disclosure of the condition of our manufacturers; for this it was that had given spirit to America. Had government no other reasons for such a measure, they ought to have conciliated America sooner, for the purpose of making more vigorous exertions in Spain. They were as yet, however, ignorant of the circumstances which led to the American war, for this matter was still kept a secret: and he could not but blame the omission of this cause in the Speech from the throne. He knew that there were perverse irritations on both sides, and though he wished for peace with America, it was only on such terms as would be consistent with the preservation of our maritime rights, without which he would prefer the continuance of the war with that country.-His lordship then concluded with avowing his confirmed opinion of the expediency of throwing the constitution open to the Catholic subjects of the state; a measure which justice, wisdom and policy alike recommended as necessary and advantageous to the dearest interests of the country.

Wellington. As usual they sent the force when too late to be of any service.-There was another point on which he expected some explanation. He expected to be informed why ministers, with a revenue of one hundred and five millions or more by estimate, extorted by means most grinding and oppressive upon a suffering people, were yet in a situation to confess their inability to supply the military chest of lord Wellington. The difficulty, however, did not arise from the deficient resources of the country, much as they had been drained, but must be traced to the noble earl's real inefficiency, and to that of his colleagues. They might diminish by one half the income of every individual in this country, with as little effect, or prospect of ultimate success, as had attended them in those plans and speculations which led them to circulate a vile and adulterated currency in paper and in coin throughout the nation; when such had been its effects, why not then rather stop at this moment the contest in Spain? His lordship again paid a tribute of applause to the speech of the noble marquis, who did not, like the noble earl, condescend to deal in loose principles, vague analogies, or in general assertions, but went on reasoning, point Earl Bathurst vindicated the conduct of by point, as full of facts as he was of sound ministers with respect to the war in the theoretical principles, and of practical po- peninsula, more especially in regard to litical wisdom. As his Majesty's minis- the degree and nature of the reinforceters had not made sufficient disclosures, ments to be forwarded to the marquis of he did not wish to press them at present Wellington. He observed, that his noble with respect to our connections with Swe- relative opposite well knew the entire conden. But he must say, that in his opinion fidence ministers placed in that illustrious much might have been done there, al- person, and adverted particularly to the though very little had been effected.--With point of lord Wellington's not deeming it regard to America the ministers evinced advisable to send new regiments to Spain; their folly in expecting that the repeal of so particularly careful was that excellent the Orders in Council, when that took officer of the health of his troops.-With place, could have produced conciliation in respect to the force from Sicily, the fact the government of that country. But was, that lord William Bentinck had inthere was a time when it would have car- structions to send such a number of troops ried that effect. The noble earl it seemed as was consistent with the other objects to had yet, in common with politicians of which he had to look. The objection, his stamp, to learn, that concessions made that by the force sent thence not remaintoo late would always produce irritation. ing in Catalonia, the baron D'Erolles was It was so with regard to Ireland as disgusted, had no force, inasmuch as, since well as to America. The details brought that period, (as had appeared by the Gato light relative to the condition of our zette) our naval force had been in active manufacturers, ought to have convinced co-operation with the baron D'Erolles. As ministers, that the repeal of the Orders in for the charge of not sending reinforceCouncil, when it took place, could not ments to the marquis of Wellington, the have produced a spirit of pacification in fact was, that in the month of June lord America-although twelve months before Wellington sent a dispatch requesting, unit might have had that effect. The Ame-less some extraordinary circumstances ocrican government were always hostile, but curred, that no new corps might be sent had not the means of shewing their hosti- out to him, because they were more likely 1

to be affected by the heats of summer. It was, therefore, that no new corps were sent, until intelligence had been received of the battle of Salamanca, which was considered an extraordinary circumstance as to require reinforcements to be sent. With regard to the United States of America, he contended that the conduct of ministers had been throughout consistent. The papers relative to the correspondence and intercourse between the governments were not on their lordships' table, because his Majesty's ministers had not yet received the final answer to a proposition made to the United States through sir John Borlase Warren; in the mean time, he took leave to say, that the Orders in Council were not now the only grounds of demurrer on the part of that government.

Marquis Wellesley, conceiving that some points urged by noble lords opposite were personally applied to him, shortly explained, that he thought nothing which fell from him warranted a personal allusion on their parts. He warmly remarked, that during the whole period to which he spoke, he had considered the system of the war in the peninsula inadequate to its object; an opinion which he had uniformly declared, and in adherence to which he had resigned his office as secretary of state. He could not particularise objections without the permission of his sovereign or his representative; but if he was allowed an opportunity, he should be ready to meet the noble lords, point by point, upon that subject, either in public or private, and before any tribunal to which he might be summoned.

Viscount Melville defended the conduct of the Admiralty with respect to the American and West India stations, observing, that on the Halifax station alone, long before the commencement of hostilities, the squadron was double the strength of the whole American navy. This he enumerated, as well as the force in the West Indian seas; and stated the American navy to consist of five frigates, and a few sloops of war. It was impossible to guard against such casualties as were alluded to by noble lords opposite, (the capture of the Guerriere frigate); but care was taken to render such attempts an extreme risk on the part of the enemy.

Lord Grenville said, he did not think so badly of ministers as to charge them with neglecting to provide a naval force superior to the American navy, which only consisted of five frigates. His charge (VOL. XXIV.)

was, that they did not send sufficient reinforcements of troops, and that our military force in Canada was, in consequence, inferior to that of the assailants.

The question was then put, and the Address agreed to without a division.

The Earl of Liverpool moved, that lord Walsingham be constituted chairman of all the committees of that House during the present session of parliament; a motion, the propriety of which, he was confident every noble lord would acquiesce in.

The Lord Chancellor observed, that if the House could secure the services of the noble lord, they would be a blessing.

Lord Walsingham shortly expressed his grateful sense of what had fallen from the noble lords.

The question was put, and ordered accordingly, nem. diss.

HOUSE OF COMMONS.

Monday, November 30.

THE PRINCE REGENT'S SPEECH ON OPENING THE SESSION.] The Speaker acquainted the House that that House had been in the House of Peers, where his royal highness the Prince Regent had delivered a Speech to both Houses of Parliament, of which, to prevent mistakes, he had obtained a copy. [See p. 12.] After the Speaker had read the Speech,

Lord Clive rose to move an Address in answer to the most gracious Speech of his royal highness the Prince Regent. In the liberty he then took of offering himself to the notice of the House, it was not his intention, nor would it be necessary, to trespass at any length upon their indulgence. With respect to the first part of the Speech, he felt confident that every person in that House, and in the country, lamented not less than himself the situation of the illustrious personage to whom it alluded. There was no one who could avoid feelings of the most lively regret when he reflected, that a life spent, as that of his Majesty had been, in the practice of every virtue that was honourable to our nature, that could adorn or dignify the man or the sovereign, and which had rendered him dear to the hearts of his subjects, should, towards the close, be deprived of that rest and of that repose which were due to his merits and to his virtues. The next point in his Royal Highness's Speech to which he would allude, was one of sincere and heartfelt gratulation, the successful resistance that had been made in the Peninsula (E)

necessary to dwell. They were the admiration of every person who could know and appreciate them. From one end to the other of that vast empire there seemed to be only one object in view, and that object was resistance to the enemy. From one end of it to the other, there seemed to be only one subject of contention, and that was who should contribute most to the defence of their laws, their religion, and their country. Such were the men whom for their bravery and their zeal, the oppressor of Europe would stigmatise with the name of Barbarians. If enthu siasm in the protection of every thing that was dear to our nature could merit the name of barbarism, he, for one, would wish to know where patriotism was to be looked for, and must express a hope that such barbarity might never be removed by civilization. But this was not the first time that a conqueror, when he found himself unable to combat the difficulties that opposed his progress, endeavoured to load with the same stigma the persons who had the boldness to resist him; in which a disgraceful attempt was sought to be covered under the offer of indignities to a gallant people. Alexander the Great, under much the same circumstances, chose to designate as robbers and barbarians, the ancestors of these very Russians who had the courage to oppose his encroachments. To such language they answered as they ought to have done, "that not to them who defended their country, but to him who came to despoil it, the appellation of robber was applicable;" and he would ask, might not the Russians now exclaim to Buonaparté, as their ancestors did to Alexander the Great,‹At tu, qui te gloriaris ad latrones persequendos venire; omnium gentium quos adisti, latrones.' Might not Russia with great truth thus address Buonaparté, "By what right do you designate us as barbarians; why cast upon a nation whom you are wantonly attacking, the stigma of being robbers? How are you rendered so equitable a judge as to be competent to form an estimate of us? What have we done to

by our gallant countrymen to the encroach ments of France. Often as they had had occasion, within the last four years, to commemorate the achievements and applaud the distinguished conduct of the general, and the army employed in the protection of Spain, yet in no instance since the commencement of that struggle, was skill or valour so greatly displayed as in the decisive and glorious battle of Salamanca. The consequences of that victory were as sudden and important as ever followed from conquest. The siege of Cadiz was raised; Madrid was evacuated by the enemy; all the south of Spain was relieved from their oppressions; and what was a yet more important consequence, lord Wellington was raised to the rank of generalissimo of the Spanish forces. This was the most important result of all. If any thing could tend more powerfully than another to give vigour and success to the exertions of the Spanish people, to render effectual their efforts for their own deliverance, it was thus placing their resources at the disposal of a person so well able to guide them, and vesting so skilful a commander with the controul of their armies.-He would next take the liberty of congratulating the House on the relation in which they stood to Russia, and in general on the new connections which had sprung up between Great Britain and the northern powers of Europe. The circumstances of Russia, he was happy to say, were such as left no ground for despondency. The Russians, it was true, had met with some reverses, but they were not sufficient to damp their ardour, or quell that enthusiastic love of country, which should animate every bosom. That spark of resistance, which had been lighted up in Spain, they had the satisfaction to behold rapidly spreading over Europe, and already extended to the extremity of the north. He was doubtful to which part of the prospect, now held out by Russia, he should first call the attention of the House; whether to the spirit and decision of the emperor himself, or to the skill of his generals, or to the sacrifices so cheerfully made by the nobility, or to deserve this stigma?-nothing but what the valiant men who fought under their you yourself have done, and are still do. command; but to whatever part of the ing by stealth, for our only crime was a picture they directed their attention, wish to trade with Great Britain. But is whether to the magnanimity of the em- there any crime in which you have not peror, the talent of his generals, the bra-wallowed, even without the excuse of provery of his troops, or the devotion of his vocation? What has been the practice of subjects, they would find abundant matter your life for the last twenty years? Is for exultation. On these topics it was un- there a corner in Europe, Asia, or Africa,

that has not witnessed your contempt of employed against them. Wherever the every thing that is sacred among men? British troops were employed, whether in Have you a single Russian of whom you Europe or in America, they never failed can boast that he has deserted the cause to display that bravery for which they of his country to join your standard? On were always distinguished. They rethe other hand, have you not carried your quired nothing but opportunity to display oppressions so far as to render them into- their intrepidity and firmness, and vic lerable even to your own family? Has not tory was sure to follow; and these inthe brother whom you set as a king over stances of success in America he was the population of Holland abdicated his happy to hail as the earnest of future situation to avoid your tyranny? Has not glory, when our fellow subjects in those another brother thrown himself into an parts would meet the foe and earn fame to enemy's country, where he finds that se- themselves and honour to their common curity and that protection which you re- country. With respect to the renewal of fused to give him? Which, then," might the East India Company's Charter, it the Russian exclaim with triumph, "is would not now be necessary for him to the greater barbarian, I who defend my enter upon that subject at present. When country from unjust hostility, or you who the proper time should arrive, he believed wantonly attack it? And yet you call us the House would be fully prepared to take barbarians! You, Napoleon, whose prac- that important question into their serious tice has been throughout your career consideration.-Allusion had been made "Auferre, traducere, rapere!"-He would in the Speech from the throne, to the late now beg leave to call the attention of the unfortunate disturbances that prevailed in House to that part of his Royal High- some parts of the country. He was happy ness's Speech which referred to Sicily, to see that these disturbances were now and he could not but congratulate put to rest by the salutary measures to them upon the result of a negociation which the government had found it neces with that power, which was likely to sary to resort. Such were the principal prove equally serviceable to both coun- topics of the Address which he meant to tries. One effect of that negociation propose to the consideration of the House would be, to organize a much more power- before sitting down. He could not, howful force than before existed for the de- ever, but once more congratulate them fence of that island, and disposable for upon the favourable change that had taken the promotion of the common cause. place in the affairs of Europe. How dif Every person, he was sure, would rejoice ferent was the prospect now to what it on hearing that the Regent was desirous was at the meeting of the last parliament ! of bringing Sicily into such a state as He might say that Great Britain was.at would be most conducive to its own in- that period alone and unaided in the conterest, and to that of Great Britain.-While test. The influence and the arms of every one must agree with his Royal France were felt almost without resistance Highness in regretting, that all our efforts in every part of Europe. There was hardly to stand in those relations of amity with any part of Spain in which its power was America which could be wished, had not then felt. The great resources of the proved ineffectual, it was nevertheless a enemy were then unbroken. He had a subject of high satisfaction to contemplate mighty and victorious army on foot, comthe valour and loyalty displayed in our manded by men of the first character for mitransatlantic territories. The steady zeal litary talent, Portugal was then robbed of and warm attachment to the mother coun- the greater part of her territory; and Russia try, lately evinced by the people of and Sweden were neutralized by intimi Canada, was a subject for congratula-dation and the threats of Buonaparté. But tion which he could not pass over upon the present occasion. They had withstood every attempt which had been made by America to seduce them from their allegiance, and the efforts to invade their territories were equally unsuccessful. In the first attempt at invasion the whole American force surrendered to much inferior numbers; and in the second, even the prisoners taken exceeded the British army

how greatly were things altered for the better. Russia was now up in arms against her oppressor, and Sweden was not unfriendly to her cause. She had driven from her territories a numerous and powerful host that threatened her with ruin; and Buonaparté, so far from realizing the high and boasting promises with which he had entered that country, was now endeavouring, after defeat and disgrace, to

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