be taken to give effect thereto (Art. 13), but with no power to enforce them, or expulsion from the League (Art. 16), unless the nations unite and mete out some other punishment.

Refusal to comply with the "recommendations" of the Council or Assembly (Art. 15) simply leaves the matter open.

The whole Covenant, so far as it concerns the forcing of a nation to settle its differences without resort to war, is simply a blind, and indicates that the British Lords had no intention to create an effective disarmament agreement and have acted with as little regard for their obligations to uphold the "Wilson Points" as they have shown for their promises in regard to Ireland and Egypt. They are trifling with America, although America has been somewhat to blame for having given them the opportunity.

By accepting the Covenant, America could point to no gain through the war-Arbitrations, Conciliation Councils and Advisory Commissions, when all parties to a dispute are willing, can be formed under the Hague Court rules, or even without them.

Now they realize that they have failed to unite enough American dupes to bring about the acceptance by America of this diplomatic noose and figment of negations as the gift to her of "What she wants"-of "Her ideals"; and, to recover their footing, they insinuate that the failure has been on the part of America, by blandly assuming to explain that really her refusal thus far does not expose her to the charge of bad faith or repudiation.

Were it not rather in order for them to state by what rule of honor they are side-stepping their obligation to uphold the "Wilson Points," which some day they will

be forced to observe, let us hope at the behest of the English people themselves.

The critical point has arrived; so fearful are these Lords of losing their diplomatic trick that they are willing that America may enter under almost any reservations (also pure negations), if only she will enter; for, should she do so, they would be able to refer to the Covenant as America's substitute for the "Wilson Points" and claim that she had foreclosed the further discussion of them.

The acceptance by both belligerents of the "Wilson Points" constitutes in itself the Treaty of Peace; and, under the principles of English law, any subsequent treaty forced on the losing side is either void, because of duress, or the lack of consideration.

Proposed conventions based on them with no exalted official, have been worked out with precision at the expense of thirty years' time, and it behooves America to insist upon their realization now, and not, by deferring interest payments and giving other financial aid, to foster the strength of this group which will soon become too powerful to notice even America's rights.

February 6th, 1920.

The covenant was adopted, without discussion, by the five confreres on April 28, 1919.

President Wilson submitted it to the United States Senate on July 10, 1919; the Senate failed by vote of November 19th to ratify, and adjourned; at the following session the Senate re-committed it to the Committee on Foreign Affairs on February 9, 1920, and, by vote of March 19, 1920 again failed to ratify it and ordered it returned to the President.

ANNEX VIII

THE "WILSON POINTS,"

abridged, with a key to some of the pages in "The Isolation Plan," where the ideas are to be found.

ADDRESS JOINT SESSION OF CONGRESS, JAN. 8, 1918

I. "Open covenants of peace ** openly arrived at." As a uniform system of law is proposed

under this Plan, there would be no object in even discussing them privately.

II. "Absolute freedom of navigation on seas outside of territorial waters * * * except by international action to enforce covenants."

"No nation has the sovereign right to use arms beyond its territorial limits *** open sea, where other nations have an equal right," etc., p. 34.

ment, save for piracy.

Naval disarmaClaim 14, p. 2,

and pp. 26-29. Art. XXVI Conven

tion, et seq., p. 63.

III. "Removal, so far as possible, of economic bar

riers."

Water and other ways ("Hinterland" principle), Duties, taxes, etc., pp. 47-48.

IV. "Adequate guarantee given and taken that national armaments will be reduced to lowest point consistent with domestic safety."

"Disarmament must be general, save always for internal police purposes and the prevention of piracy on the seas," p. 29.

Provisions for compulsory arbitration and general disarmament under sanction of non-intercourse. Convention, Arts. on disarmament, XXV et seq., p. 62 et seq. Claim 14, p. 2, "Stronger Assurance," 53.

V. Self-determination of "all colonial claims."

Provision for periodical plebiscites on self-government in all colonies, pp. 46-8. VIII. "Evacuation of French territory *** and wrong done France by Prussia in 1871, should be righted."

Statu quo ante and plan for demarcation of racial sections of Alsace and Lorraine and self-determination therein by plebiscites, pp. 48-9.

guar

XIV. "General association of nations antees *** territorial integrity to great and small alike."

"Territorial Integrity. The recognition by the Convention of only independent states and the treatment of them as equals in their international relationship, disposes of the question of territorial integrity' p. 31.