opposing the government, at the same time that he left them exposed to public scorn, and that, tʊo, principally for being unable to extricate themselves from difficulties, into which he himself had assisted to lead them. Mr. Windham, "disapproving of the prin "cipal measures of Mr. Addington," never would have had the prudence, not only to conceal his disapprobation, from September to June, but also to consent, in the mean time, to enter the cabinet with that same Mr. Addington; and, if he had so completely subdued his feelings and disguised his opinions for so long a time I am sure he would not have suffered them to break forth just after the failure of a negotiation for his return to place. Mr. Windham, whenever, unfortunately for his country, his health shall not, for a long period, permit him to attend his duty in Parliament, will not, I am afraid, through the means either of prudence or discretion, be able, all at once, to take upon him the arduous duties of a cabinet-minister, including those of a member of Parliament. Yes, I allow, that Mr. Windham, thinking it right to move for an inquiry relative to the insurrection in Dublin, would not have had the prudence to advise his partisans to vote for the motion, while he himself shrunk from the discussion. All this, and more too, I am ready to allow; but, while I thus unequivocally and unreservedly acknowledge, that, in these respects, Mr. Windham would have dis covered a want of prudence and discretion, it will, I hope, be permitted me to state certain other cases, in which he has, or would have had, a sufficiency of prudence and discretion. He was too prudent to be an advocate for parliamentary reform at all, and, if he had been, I am persuaded he never would have broached principles and opinions that would afterwards have been pleaded as an example to, and in justification of, persons accused of high treason, persons brought to trial, too, under his own administration. Mr. Windham would not have had the imprudence to name Mr. Ad. dington and his colleagues for ministers, still less likely is he to have had the indiscretion to eulogize them severally and jointly in the Parliament; but, had he done so, certain I am, that he never would, at a subsequent epoch, have pretended to entertain doubts of their fitness to act in a cabinet with himself. Mr. Windham did not defend either the preliminaries of London or the treaty of Amiens, and, of course, he was not so short-sighted and indiscreet as to expatiate with high-sounding praise on the provision relative to Malta, as being

66

wisely calculated to conciliate all parties and to prove to Europe a lasting bond of peace;" nor did he consign himself to everlasting ridicule, by extolling the "es"tablishment of the infant republic of the "Seven Islands, as an acquisition of an importance to this country, not inferior to "the possession of Malta itself." Mr. Windham, had he been minister of finance, would have been too prudent to obtain from the legislature an act to release the Bank from the penalties at ending its advancing money to the government without the sanction of Parliament. In such a measure Mr. Windham would have seen the distant cause of paper depreciation, of the destruction of public credit, and of ministerial indepen dence of both the Parliament and the Crown. Well knowing, that the existence of the State is inseparable from that of the Church, Mr. Windham would never have procured a law to alienate, in part, the property of the latter, thereby undermining one of the principal pillars of that constitution, to preserve which we are now called on to spend our last shilling, and to shed our last drop of blood. Mr. Windham is, by Mr. Pitt, said to be warm, sanguine, and enthusiastic in his pursuits; but, I will venture to say, that he would have been too cautious and prudent to have boasted prematurely of the wondrous effects of a "solid system of finance," and afterwards have converted that system into an instru ment of destruction to a fund, on the alleviating operations of which he had pledged his own fame and the faith of the country. Mr. Windham, convinced of the truth of the maxim, that "honesty is the best pc"policy," would have been too prudent to call upon Parliament to impose what is called a restriction upon the Bank, but which is, in reality, a protection to the Bank in with holding payment of its promissory notes; and, if, in a moment of accumulated difficulty, he had been prevailed upon to adopt so una ise and so fatal a measure, which he had afterwards handed down to a feeble creature that he himself had chosen for his successor, will any man believe, that, at a moment when that feeble creature was sinking under the growing burden so placed upon his shoulders, and when members from every part of the House were ringing in his ears the depreciation of his paper and the diminution of their fortunes; will any man who knows Mr. Windhamn, believe, that, at such a mo; ment and under such circumstances, be would have sat a silent, and, apparently an indifferent, not to say a gratified, spectator of

the scene? To conclude; the More Accurate Observer has spoken of the "chivalrous "nature" of Mr. Windham; and, if by chivalrous he means, generous, faithful, and brave, the epithet is assuredly the most fit that could possibly have been chosen; but, if he wishes to convey an idea of that empty vanity, that braggart enthusiasm, which is inspired by Cockney wine and hyperbolical praise from the lips of hired singers, then I call upon him to point out the time when Mr. Windham could so far forget his rank and his character.

I should now enter on my last proposed point; to wit; the Parliamentary conduct of Mr. Pitt; but want of room obliges me to defer it till my next, for which, indeed, I am not sorry, as the delay will afford me an opportunity of introducing some remarks on the PLAIN REPLY, and on the pamphlet of MR. WARD.

TO THE EDITOR

SIR, I am aware of your respect for the good intentions of our present rulers, although you may occasionally dissent from their general line of policy. To confirm you in these sentiments of approval of open and fair dealing, I beg leave to state a plain simple matter of fact, (but partially known) upon which very little comment will be necessary. You will, I think, agree with me, that the policy of these cautious, well-meaning gentlemen is, at least, as apparent in this transaction as their good intentions.-Pending the extra-official negotiation for peace between the French Commissary for the exchange of prisoners and our Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, government received private intelligence of the successful issue of the Egyptian campaign. This you would naturally be led to suppose was considered as a most fortunate and opportune occurrence, that would enable ministers to extend their pretensions and to combat for better terms. But no, Sir, this might have been very beneficial to the public interest; but it would have been a stumbling-block to our cautious, disinterested, and wellmeaning ministers. Had the country been acquainted with the intelligence, a clamour more general even than that which did arise, would have been excited by our too great concessions. Lord Hawkesbury would have been compelled to dance attendance upon Mr. Otto some months longer, or the citizen would have broken off all communication with them; and have shat his officedoor in the face of the cringing bevy, had they presumed to increase in their demands,

or name any terms which he himself or his imperial master did not dictate. What then was their policy to put the intelligence into the fire, and keep their own counsel whilst they subscribed to the ignominious concessions of the preliminary treaty, rendered tenfold more ignominious afterwards, by their sanction of a departure from many of its best and most defensible points? No: this would have been something like a bold measure, and therefore, not in harmony with their creed. Too tender-hearted to agitate the public mind unnecessarily, and too anxious for peace on any terms to risk offending the august plenipotentiary they converted that into a bribe for a national disgrace, of which they might have availed themselves to secure a national advantage. They liberally and candidly imparted the information to Mr. Citizen Otto, and urged the probability of the public disapproval of the terms should their promulgation be delayed till after the arrival of the Egyptian news, as a plea for accelerating the signature of the preliminary treaty. That this is fact, literal and unvarnished, I do not wish to rest upon anonymous assertion. Let the question of its authenticity be put to Mr. St. John, brother-in-law to Mr. Otto. He cannot, will not deny it. He will acknowledge, that he is not only acquainted with the fact, but that he was privy to this most unnatural transaction at the period of its occurrence,- I am, Sir, yours,

March 2, 1804.

LE VOICI.

TO THE RIGHT HON, LORD REDESDALE.

MY LORD, I cannot refrain from communicating to your lordship a few observations on your correspondence with the Earl of Fingall and the Rev. Dr. Coppinger. Your lordship, in making mention of the late Dr. Hussey, to Lord Fingall, could not at the time have recollected, that one of the first precepts of Christianity is not to speak ill of the dead. In your answer to the Rev. Dr. Coppinger, you appear, my Lord, to be so firmly resolved to continue in error, that you even seem to consider the Rev. Mr. O'Neil's justification of himself as a most unpardonable crime. Indeed, your lordship shews such a peevishness and fretfulness of temper, both to Lord Fingal and Dr. Coppinger, whenever they presume to disagree with you, that I deem it a hopeless task to attempt to set your lordship right. I cannot, my Lord, give you a stronger proof of the sincere and steady loyalty of the Ro man Catholics of Ireland, than that it has remained undiminished or unshaken, not

withstanding your lordship's theological correspondence. Your lordship's appointment to your present exalted station, was, in my opinion, as great a misfortune to yourself as to this unhappy country.-As Solicitor or Attorney-General, or even as Speaker of the House of Commons, you might, my lord, have passed with some degree of approbation. Had you occupied either of the above situations, till the day of your death, you might possibly, have been regretted as a most worthy, though not as a brilliant, man. But, my Lord, I regard it as a real misfortune to your lordship, that it should have pleased our most Gracious Sovereign to place you at the head of the Chancery of Ireland. I shall conclude, my Lord, with a verse of Voltaire's, in his Henriad, in speaking of Henry the Third, he says,

Tel brille au second rang qui s'éclipse au premier, Il devint lâche Roi intrépide Guerier."

I am, my Lord, your lordship's most obedient humble servant,

AN IRISH ROMAN CATHOLIC. Drogbeda, Ath March, 1804.

TO THE EDITOR.

SIR,-The perusal of Lord Redesdale's answer to Dr. Coppinger in your Political Register, instantly brought to my recollection the fable of the wolf and the lamb; for his lordship must have been strangely at a loss how to pick a quarrel with the good bishop, when he determined to break with him for calling the Rev. Mr. O'Neil's narrative" an humble remonstrance," whereas this is only the name by which this much injured man has thought proper to entitle it himself. It is just as if, Mr. Cobbett, his lordship were to quarrel with me for calling your valuable publication "the Political Register," because he would contend, perhaps, that it contained sentiments contrary to sound policy and good government. However, I will venture to assert, in behalf of his lordship, that his former exertions in favour of English Catholics prove, that he has not always possessed his present intolerant way of thinking, and the illiberal principles he now professes. That the same spirit of intolerance pervades every part of the present administration, I could produce too many melancholy proofs. I have lately heard from unquestionable authority, that in some cases, which it is not, in this place, and upon this occasion, necessary minutely to particularize, Catholics have been forbidden to have any intercouse with a priest of their communion, even in his dying moments, and to corrobo

rate this assertion, I will relate an anecdote which I know to be a fact. Soon after the breaking out of the present war, the Bishop, (a French Bishop) who then superintended the spiritual concerns of the French in this kingdom, requested permission of government to send down a French priest to the assistance of about 2,000 French prisoners who were confined at Stapleton near Bristol. He was answered categorically in the negative; and upon demanding an explanation, he was informed, that these men could not be allowed any spiritual assistance but from a clergyman of the established church! Such a spirit, Mr. Cobbett, reminds one of the apostolical labours of Cortez and Pizarro, which inspired the Indians with such a horror of the Christian religion, that some of them declared they would not run the risk of going to a heaven where they might chance to meet with Spaniards. But, to proceed in my narrative; an English Catholic clergyman resident in Bristol, who is well known and respected there, conceiving this prohibition to arise from a distrust, government might entertain of the French priests, very charitably offered his services to attend these prisoners, and, indeed, very urgently solicited government to this effect, but all to no purpose. The French Bishop then returned to the charge, and after repeated solicitations has at length obtained leave to send down a French priest. there at his own expense, but on condition, it is said, I hope, incorrectly, that he sbould not attend the prison, but only the hospital, and with this express injunction, that he should not be admitted to see a sick prisoner till he was become speechless!!! Now it is well known, that the chief consolation of the Catholic on his death bed, is to disburthen his conscience to a priest of his communion, who, if he believes him to be truly penitent, absolves him in the name of his God nearly in the same form of words which is put down in the Book of Common Prayer. The absurdity therefore of such an injunction, would force a smile, were it not instantly checked by the unparal lelled barbarity of the proceeding. We read, indeed, in history, sometimes with horror, of persons being denied all the comforts of religion at their last hour; but for the honour of humanity, such instances are rare. I am well persuaded, Mr. Cobbett, that the tenets of the Roman Catholic religion inculcate nothing but loyalty and obedience to the laws; but I know also that Catholics are men, and that it is not in human nature that they should be in love with a government, who pub

licly profess such principles of intolerance and oppression as give them no hopes of favour or redress. I am, Sir, your obedient servant,

A FRIEND TO TOLERATION.

March, 6ib, 1804.

SUMMARY OF POLITICS, CONSPIRACY AT PARIS.-The whole of the official documents, relating to this transaction, having been inserted in another part of the Register, it is not necessary to enter here into any other remarks upon it than such as naturally arise from the desire, which every honourable Englishman must feel, to see his country and its government stand clearly acquitted of the charge of having, either directly or indirectly, stimulated any persons whatever to commit an act so atrocious as that of assassination. Pichegru is expressly stated to have been one of the conspirators, and to have been at Paris on the 15th of February. Now, here is a positive fact, which may, if false, and which, it is to be hoped, will, meet with a positive contradiction, supported by incontrovertible proof. It is understood, both in England and upon the Continent, that Pichegru has, for some time past, received a regular salary from our government; and, though it is by no means impossible, that he might, notwithstanding that circumstance, go to France without the knowledge of the government, yet, seeing that the character of the nation is implicated, if it can be proved that he was in England, at the time above-mentioned, such proof ought to be procured and published, without delay. If this proof cannot be had, it would by no means follow, that our government hatched and encouraged the conspiracy, but every one would deeply regret the want of such means of justification.-With regard to the right which a French royalist, who has never broken his allegiance, has to dethrone the Consul, by any means in his power, some doubts may be entertained; but, as the right, if it exist at all, must partake more of the nature of a duty than of a privilege, and can have no other basis than that of the prior obligation of allegiance, it never can be conscientiously exercised by any one, who has heretofore broken the bonds of that allegiance; and, therefore, if this doctrine be sound, the killing of Buonaparté by Pichegru or Moreau must be regarded as murder.As to us, or our government, God forbid, that we, to all our other disgrace, should add that of having, in anywise, aided in the perpetration of such a deed. We have a right to kill the French, and the Consul, of

course, in war, if we can we have a right to engage Frenchmen in our cause, and to employ them in descents upon the coast, or as spies, in the camps, the garrisons, or any part of the territories of the enemy: we have a right even, by the means of money or otherwise, to excite insurrections and civil war in their country, particularly if our object be to produce, by these means, a restoration of the rightful heir to the throne: after, however, having made peace with the Consul, and thereby solemnly, though ta citly, acknowledged the legitimacy of his authority, the motive of restoration adds, perhaps, little or nothing to our belligerent rights, in this respect At any rate, here our rights end. We have no right to com◄ mit, or to abet, any act of violence upon the Consul any more than we formerly should have had to commit, or abet, such an act upon a king of France; and, therefore, as we are, in the French official paper, and in official documents emanating from the government; as we are thus, in the face of the world, distinctly charged with this most base and perfidious deed, let us hope, that his Majesty's ministers possess both the means and the inclination to make out qur justification; for, we may be assured, that our silence will not be construed as our contempt of the charge, but, as a proof of qur guilt. It has been stated in some of the London newspapers, that Pichegru was seen here on the very day that the French official documents declare him to have been at Paris. If this be true, the proof is easy; and, not a moment ought to be lost in pioducing it. Perhaps some other fact may present itself: the ministers ought best ta know what to do, but every one must allow, that they ought to do something.

IRISH EXCHANGE.-On the 2d instant, upon the motion of Mr. Foster, a committee of the House of Commons, which is now sitting, was appointed to examine into the causes of the high rate of exchange between England and Ireland, and of the depreciation of the bank paper of the latter country. During the debate upon this motion, some very curious facts transpired. Mr. Ponsonby said, that it was almost impossible for any gentleman in that House to judge of the inconvenience and distress, in fact, which were felt in that country in consequence of the scarcity of specie, without he had been there to behold it. From his own knowledge he could state, that in many places there was not any thing in circulation but exceedingly bad adulterated copper, a base metal for shillings, or notes for 6d. 1s. or, what was reckoned a large amount, as high as 35. 6d.

The inconvenience to the lower classes was consequently much greater than to the more opulent; for a poor man frequently,owing perhaps to his not being so well provided with the means of preserving his notes, lost or destroyed them; the banker was glad of the circumstance,as he paid only for potes that were pro duced to him, He added, that he himself had paid, last week, 2s. 4d. premium upon the guinea in Dublin. Mr. Corry, the Chancellor of the Irish Exchequer, said, that the best informed men were of opinion that the remedy was beyond the power of Parlia

*

"ment.

I can hardly flatter myself, that Mr. Corry meant to pay me a compliment, but I certainly did give this very opinion in the Register of the 18th ultimo, p. 249. By a figure of speech somewhat too bold, perhaps, Parliament is represented as omnipotent; but, if it should succeed in raising the Irish bank paper to a level with gold, I shall have no hesitation to apply the epithet in a literal sense. -Lord Castlereagh said, “he

was glad the motion had been made, but "did not see what good it could produce." The cause of his joy was not stated. The disparity between gold and paper, he said, was readily allowed; but, the difficulty

was to preserve the gold in circulation, "where every person was so eager to hoard "it." If the reader should stare, and look about, with some degree of impatience, for the object of this grave and important observation, his lordship will compensate him with an idea, which I will pledge my word to be perfectly original; viz. that it was

not that the paper was depreciated, but "that the guinea was risen, in value ! ! !" And, let it be remembered, that this was stated in the Parliament House, and by a minister too! by one of those men, to whom the safety and honour of the nation, to whom the liberties of the people and existence of the monarchy, are all committed! Why, then, dollars have risen too, for they now pass at five shillings, whereas their sterling value is only four shillings and sixpence. Yet the dollar is the same in shape, bulk, and weight; just the same that it was when it passed for 4s. 6d. but nine of them will now buy as much English bank-paper as ten of them used to buy. "Why," says his lordship, "a pound note is still a pound note, "but a dollar is five shillings, and it used to

be only four and sixpence; therefore, the note is not fallen, but the dollar risen." I suppose, he would say this, for it is evident, that his position is to be made out by no other mode of reasoning; and this reasoning must give the world a pretty impression enough of the minds of the persons,

་

in the House, but the speculations that "were circulated through every part of the "country, were extremely disadvantageous, " and had a tendency to augment the evil they were meant to remedy." This opinion was also expressed by Sir John Newport; and a particular allusion having, by the former gentleman, been made to the pamphlet of Lord King, as containing some of these mischievous speculations, it was observed by Mr. Fox, that Lord King's pamphlet could have no other influence than such as was derived from argument. He said, the "more such subjects were discussed the "better; for he had no idea of that security "and confidence in any set of principles, "that rested only upon silence, and that "must fall the moment they became the

subject of discussion." The doctrine of Mr. Dick is, however, by no means new: the present ministry have stood upon it from the first hour of their coming into office. The discussion "will augment the evil it "is meant to remedy." That is, it will hasten the depreciation of bank notes. If a maker and utterer of bank notes were to make such a remark, it would be natural enough; for, the only evil he can perceive, is the destruction of his trade. But, from a member of Parliament one would have expected something else. Suppose discussion does augment the evil if that be a reason why discussion ought not to take place, the ministers are in a state of perfect security, and so they must remain, till the whole fabrick of the monarchy comes tumbling about their ears. The discussion of the terms of a disgraceful treaty, for instance, cannot produce a remedy; it cannot, and is not intended to, annul the treaty, and it certainly must have a tendency to augment the evil," by extending the knowledge of the disgrace. But, will Mr. Dick say, that, for this reason, a disgraceful treaty ought not to be discussed? It is to be hoped, that, by this time, he is convinced of the fallacy of his argument. -Besides, as to the people of Ire