taken, the numerous arts and intrigues that have been used, to prevent a formidable opposition in Parliament, such an opposition appears, at last, to be assuming a solid shape and to be pushing forward in a rational course; and; in spite of all the canting and clamour that we have heard against it, an union of talents has, it is to be hoped, now been formed with an unalterable resolution to put an end to the top-long endured triumph of low-cunning, of selfishness, and imbecillity. The Doctor has constantly expressed his abhorrence of divisions: he and his colleagues have, like the "seeking "saints," who frequented St. Stephen's in the middle of the 16th century, "ear"nestly besought the Lord to suffer no di"visions except amongst their adversa "ries ;" and, it must be confessed, that till very lately, their desire was completely gratified; for, the Parliament really seemed to have given up the nation to their mercy. Divisions have, however, at last, taken place, and it is necessary, by way of introduction to the remarks about to be offered on the state and views of parties, to give a brief history of these divisions, the first of which took place, in the House of Commons on the 16th instant, upon a motion for the third reading of the Irish Militia Augmentation Bill, which was opposed by the Opposition. The division was, for the third reading 128; against it 107; majority for the ministry, 21. On the 19th, in the House of Lords, where several divisions of inferior note had already taken place, the House divided twice; first, upon a motion of the Earl of Carlisle for papers relative to the time when advices of the rupture with France was communicated to commanders and governments in India, which was opposed by the ministers, and which was carried by the Opposition, 31 against 30, leaving the ministry in a minority of one; second, the House divided upon a motion for the second reading of the Irish Militia Transfer Bill, which was opposed by the Opposition, and which was carried by the ministry, 77 against 49, leaving the Opposition in a minority of 28. On the 23d, the House of Commons divided upon Mr. Fox's motion for a Committee of the whole House to inquire into the state of the defence of the country; for the motion 204, against it 256; leaving the ministry a majority of 52. On the 24th, in the House of Lords, two important divisions took place: the first, on a motion of Lord Grenville for introducing into the Irish Militia Transfer Bill, an explanatory clause, respecting Roman Catholics, which

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the ministers opposed, and which opposi tion they carried by dividing 71 against 45, having a majority of 26: the other division this day took place upon the question of passing the bill, when there appeared for the bill 94, against it 61, leaving the ministers a majority of 32. On the same day, the House of Commons divided on a motion of Mr. Dent for referring the act relative to the loyalty loan to a Committee of the whole House for the motion 76, against it too, leaving the ministry a majority of 24. On the 25th, the House of Commons divided upon a motion of Mr. Pitt for opposing the Speaker's leaving the chair in order for the House to go into a Committee on the Army of Reserve Suspension Bill: for Mr. Pitt's motion 203, against it 240, reducing the ministerial majority to 37, and inflicting swift and signal chatisement upon what has very justly been called

"the

saucy boast" of the inutility of good opposition speeches, while opposed to "good ministerial votes." When this boast was made, the boaster little imagined, that he would soon be able to count his majority by twice going over his fingers and toes. Once will soon serve him; and, I should not be at all surprized, if, before this day [the 26th] week, the fingers of one hand were amply sufficient for the purpose. In another place, we are told of a boast, in which the ministers were compared to

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giants refreshed!" Really, it were hard to find words wherein to express one's self here, did not every other feeling give way to that of compassion.-It is not long since, if we are to believe the parliamentary reports, Mr. Yorke expressed his indifference as to whether the opposition members chose to" exercise their lungs," or not. Mr. Yorke has found, by this time, that the choice was not of a nature so very unimportant; he has found, that those lungs have not been exercised in vain; for, that, with all the "prudence" of the "safe politicians," their "good ministerial votes are fast melting away before the "good opposition "speeches."

COALITION-This is the watch-word of the ministers: every thing they attempt to say, either by way of attack or defente, begins and ends with this word. Their clamour is so monotonous, so strongly descriptive of despair, and has so regularly increased, both in frequency and loudness, with the increase of their difficulties, that it always calls to my recollection the cries of the American frogs, in that season when the sun is imbibing the water from the ponds. At first you hear only now and then a so

litary voice of complaint; but, as the dimi- | nution in the vital element becomes more and more visible, the cries increase in number and vehemence; till, at last, when these sons of spawn, these safe politicians of the meadow, clearly perceive their approaching fate, their dissonance grows so loud and so dismal, that the neighbouring cottagers collect together, and, with one united effort, put an end, at once, to their clamour and their lives.--Far be it from me to justify any act whatever by pleading the example of the present ministers; but, when those ministers are exclaiming against a coalition, or co operation, between persons, who have heretofore differed widely in opinion, it is certainly allowable to inquire how they themselves stand in that respect. On the ministerial bench sits the Doctor with Mr. Tierney on one side of him and Lord Castlereagh on the other, the former a constant opposer of the late war with France and the latter a constant supporter of it; the former a constant opposer of the strong measures relative to Ireland and the latter the constant defender, if not the projector, of those measures. When he has reconciled these conflicting elements, then the Doctor has to tell us, how he himself can unite with Lord Castle. reagh, who was the chief instrument in the affair of catholic emancipation, and who now is acting in the same ministry with him, the Doctor, who has declared, that he holds his house at the Treasury solely upon the condition of inflexible resistence to the claims of the catholics! And, how do Mr. Yorke and Mr. Hobhouse come to go on so harmoniously together? And Colonel Maitland too, who steadily opposed the war with France, until he deserted the ranks of Mr. Fox, in order to take a share in conducting that war, with what advantage to the nation let the reader learn from the history of the Saint Domingo campaigns. And, these are the men who have the confidence to stigmatize as an unprincipled coalition, that co-operation subsisting between Mr. Pitt, Mr. Fox, Lord Grenville and Mr. Windham, who are now not to agree, because they once disagreed; who are not to coalesce for the purpose of inquiring into the state of the national defence, because they disagreed respecting the French revolution! A coalition is neither more nor less than a joining together, and, in parties, it means a co-operation, an acting together as one party, and, if you will, with a view of becoming a ministry. There are no proofs, that, between the great men just mentioned, such a coalition has taken

place; and, I am disposed to believe, that their co-operation has, at present, no other object in view, than that of convincing his Majesty, that his servants do not possess the confidence of the Parliament and the country, and, thereby, to effect the re-. moval of those servants, an object, at all times, strictly constitutional, and, at this moment, peculiarly laudable. Therefore, whatever may have been, or may yet be, the difference in their general political principles and views, or in their particular opinions as to the measures now pursued, or to be pursued, that difference has nothing to do with the immediate object now in pursuit; for, though their joining_together in a cabinet might be impossible, that does not prevent them from agreeing as to the utter inefficiency of the present cabinet. Though we were to grant it to be impossible for Mr. Pitt and Mr. Fox amicably to share together the powers of the state, does it follow thence, that each of them would not rather see the other minister than to see the place of minister filled by the Doctor?Coalition, unless inconsistency accompany it, can never be regarded as a ground of complaint against any set of public men, be they who they may; and, there can be no inconsistency in Mr. Pitt and Mr. Fox now agreeing as to principles or measures on which they never disagreed in their lives. They have disagreed for twenty years: granted, as to most public measures. And, alas! how often has this been, with all real lovers of the country, a subject of deep regret! Great, then, would be the inconsistency of such persons, were they to join in the senseless and venomous abuse, now heaped upon these gentlemen merely because they are beginning to agree! When, indeed, a coalition of persons, or parties, involves an abandonment of principle, and when this abandonment is apparent in some palpable instance of inconsistency, as in the case of Lord Castlereagh, and more conspicuously in that of Mr. Tierney, who assists in imposing an income tax, to the very principle of which he, during his opposition, applied every term descriptive of public robbery; in such cases, indeed, it is allowable, it is just, to ascribe the coalition to some im proper motive. But, can any abandonment of principle, can any mark of inconsistency, be pointed out in the conduct, during the recent debates, of either Mr. Pitt, Mr. Fox, or any member of the Opposition? Did any one of them defend what he had ever be. fore attacked?. Did any one of them at tack what he had ever before defended?

In short, though the members of the Opposition have coalesced as well as the ministers, the former have only agreed to endeavour to carry points as to which they ever disagreed, while the latter are, in several instances, supporting one another through principles and measures as to which they have disagreed.---There is, however, as was observed, on a former occasion, one purpose for which the Doctor will allow not only Mr. Fox and Mr. Pitt but every other human being, to coalesce, and that is the..... support of the Doctor! Here all his code of political morality gives way. Neither time nor space nor numbers nor principles nor passions form any bar to a coalition for this end. Coalition, when this is its object, is a most laudable thing. Come,' says the Doctor, let us be unanimous. Well; there are Mr. Pitt and Mr. Fox, who have opposed each other for these twenty years past, have united. Is not that an important step towards unanimity? All the talents and public character in the country are uniting. Yes,' say the Doctor, and his colleagues, but that is not what we mean: we mean unanimity in support of us, his Majesty's confidential servants.' Such; disguise the sentiment how they will, such is the language of their hearts; such the modest pretension of the ierneys, the Addingtons, the Jenkinsons, and the Bragges! And, to the shame of the country be it acknowledged, that this pretension has been preferred, not only with impunity but with success. Yes, to our deep and indelible disgrace be it acknowledged, that, for three long years, our country has lain prostrate at the feet of this junto of upstarts.- "Divide and govern" was the maxim upon which the Devil acted, and, in this respect, at least, the Doctor has followed his example. development of all the arts he has made use of for the purpose of preventing an union of the opposite parties, all his traits of low-cunning, all his wheedling and canting conversations, messages, and epistles, would be curious in the extreme. He has, however, failed at last the junction has taken place, and he must fall before it. It is a year ago this very day [26th of April], that I took the liberty strenuously to urge an union of the great men of all parties, for the purpose of removing the ministers; for delivering us from the degrading curse of their power. I have once before quoted the words I then made use of; but, as this is a time when the tongue of misrepresentation is extremely busy and obstrusive; as every effort is making by the Treasury slaves to inculcate

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the notion of inconsistency of conduct in me, and thereby to lessen even the little influence which they are good enough to allow me to possess, I must again beg leave to repeat the passage to which I allude. "To rouze the "people from the deadly state of indifference, into which the di-graces of the last eighteen months have plunged them, is or ought to be, now the object of those who "wish to save the country; and is this object to be effected by a low selfish juggle, "such as I have described?" [The patching up of a ministry between Mr. Pitt and Mr. Addington, which was then much talked of.] "No, never! And I further believe, that a "return of the former ministry, 10 the exclu"sion of all other persons, would have no

very great good effect. It would, indeed, put a stop to degrading concessions, it "would revive confidence in the commer"cial and monied men, it would restore us 0 (0 some little degree of consequence "abroad; but, in the hearts of the people, "there, where we must live, or have no 26 6 life, the fountain from which our current russ, or else dries up: on that most pre"cious, that vital part of the empire, such a "change would, I sincerely believe, be very "far from producing an effect commensu

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rate with the perils of our situation. To re"store this country to her former greatness,

to save her from destruction (for she must "be great or she must be nothing,) the peo"ple must be rouzed from their lethargy, they must be animated, their minds must be filled with high and honourable no"tions, their danger must be placed fairly "before them, and they must be made to resolve, not only on a resistance of that danger, but on a removal of the cause of "it. Unless this can be accomplished, the country is doomed to sink, not into po "verty, insignificance, and contempt, bat "into absolute slavery. And this, I think cannot be accomplished without an ad"ministration, which, in presenting something new as well as great, shall excite new hopes. The present ministers can "be looked upon as nothing more than the dregs of the old administration; the mere "return, therefore, of that old administra

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tion, would only tend to revive party ani"mosities, unaccompanied with any one "sentiment favourable to the energy of the

government or the salvation of the coun"try. A ministry composed of men of ta"lents, and of great public influence collect"ed from ALL THE PARTIES that bave "bitherto existed, taking, as the bond of their "union, an inflexible determination to re "sist the aggrandizement of France, and, as

see, an OPPOSITION of the same stamp " is desirable. The old ground of warfare, "between the great and leading mer of the

country NO LONGER EXISTS. Though sn't in place, they are in Parliament, and "there they ought to unite for the purpose of preventing our final destruction. And, "why do they not so unite Why are they all silent in their seats, though, out of those seats, every one of then declares, "that the present measures directly lead to * inevitable ruin? Is it that they are all seeking to gratify their own ambition; and, not being able to agree as to the divi "sion of the power, is each afraid to stir, "lest his movements should favour the "views of his rival? Are they actuated by "motives like this? Is this the tenure on "which Mr. Addington holds his place? Is

it thus that they are held in silence and subjection that they are become the mere automata, the sport, the mockery of a man, by whom, while they look on him "with ineffable contempt, they are twirled

about on the pivot of their own interests? "This were, indeed, a shame, a disgrace, “too great to be endured, and I trust that "the result will contradict the supposition."

Now, I trust, it will be remembered, that this passage was published long before there had appeared the least disposition towards an union between Mr. Fox and Mr. Windham; and, even before the declaration of war, as to which they so widely differed in opinion. But, indeed, as I always thought, that the country could not be relieved from the disgrace of being ruled by the Tierneys and Jenkinsons without a junction of parties, as I was well aware of the mighty force, as to numbers, which the Doctor possessed in consequence of possessing the command of the Treasury, I always was anxious for such a junction, for the purpose of breaking up the present ministry, whether the conquerors agreed, or not, as to the formation of another, seling that it was utterly impossible that a Worse could be formed. This, it must be

allowed, is a subject of some anxiety, because, at the present moment, we stand in need of a wise and vigorous administration, and one not very greatly shackled by opposition; but, as to the materials, the present opposition could furnish twenty ministries, the most inefficient of them infinitely more efficient than the Doctor and his col leagues. It is a maxim with some of their partizans, that ten or a dozen shop keepers collected promiscuously in the Strand, would make as good a ministry as any other: and, really, if the present ministers were suffered to remain in power to the end of their lives, or till they chose to resign, it would be hard to say, why their successors should not be taken from off the shop-board or from behind the counter. There is no reason (@ suppose, that the present junction has at all in view the formation of a new ministry; there is no appearance of such an object; and, if there were such an appearance we ought to regard it as deceitful, since the fact has been openly and explicitly denied. The object is to remove the present ministry, and to leave it to his Majesty to choose another, an object much more consonant to the spirit of the constitution than the doctrine now prated by the ministers, who object to being turned out, because, as they choose to affect to apprehend, nobody will be found to agree in replacing them. In the approaching change, his Majesty will be unshackled in his choice. He will not have

a ministry thrusted upon him. The persons whom he may be pleased to honour with royal favour will be truly his ministers, and not the tools, not the " sitting part" of others, left upon the Treasury Bench merely for the purpose of keeping it till their masters chose to return. This, if no other reason, would render a change desirable; for, look at the present ministers, in a party view, as long as you please, turn them as often as you will, you still find them made up of the dregs of the old ministry and of deserters from the old Opposition; and yet, these are the men whose partisans have the assurance to exclaim against coalitions!

"KING'S FRIENDS."-This appellation came into use about five and twenty or thirty years ago, and was then, as it is now, exclusively claimed by a set of selfish sycophants, friends to nobody but themselves, and, while adding to their own riches, caring nothing about the fate of either King or Country. To this sort of "friends" his Majesty then owed the loss of his Colonies, and to the same description of "friends" he now owes the loss of his Electorate: the former drove him from the continent of

America, the latter have driven him from the continent of Europe. Much, however, is done by the use of a name, The world, in general, are too indolent to inquire as to whether names be justly applied If Despard had constantly called himself a "king's friend," he would have been regarded as such, without any examination whatever into the justice of his claim. The appellation of " king's friends" is used out of doors: in the Parliament, "his Majesty's confidential servants," is the phrase, a phrase conveying a notion utterly abhorrent to the main principles of the monarchy, and directly leading to consequences not less subversive of the prerogative of the Sovereign than of the liberties of his people. Having assumed the name of "king's friends," or, "confidential servants," they leave it to be concluded (not forgetting, however, to lend the aid of some very intelligible hints and insinuations), that all their opponents are king's enemies, and that the King has, of course, no confidence in them: whence it follows, in due course of reasoning, that the present object of the parliamentary opposition, is, to force a ministry into power against the will of his Majesty, and therein, according to their own expression, "to invade the undoubted prerogative of the crown!"When the republicans tell us, that, notwithstanding the theoretical parliamentary check, our monarchy is as absolute as any upon earth, we deny the fact, and assert, that the monarchy is really limited by the power of the Parliament, which power is practically and efficiently exercised, when necessary, in opposing the ministers, and thereby producing a change of ministers and of measures. But, if we admit the doctrine of the pretended king's friends," our republican adversaries certainly have reason and truth on their side; for, according to this doctrine, to make a parliamentary opposition for the purpose of effecting a change of ministers and of conduct in the executive branch of government, is, to "invade the undoubt"ed prerogative of the crown;" and, thus, we are reduced to the necessity, either of allowing the monarchy to be absolute and the republican sarcasm to be just, or, of contending that the Parliament constantly possesses the power and the right of committing an act very little short of high treason! Leaving this doctrine to its inevitable fate, let us ask a little: who and what are these king's friends;" these servants of his Ma

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jesty, who apply to themselves exclusively, the epithet confidential?" The two Addingtons, the Jenkinsons, the Edens, Mr. Hobhouse, Mr. Bragge, Mr. Adanis, Colonel Maitland, Mr.. Bond, Mr. Golding, Lord Castlereagh, Mr. Yorke, Mr. Percival, and that famous king's friend Mr. Tierney! And this, then, is the set, whom we are to regard as the friends, the first, the leading, the greatest, the most sincere, the bosom friends of our Sovereign! Were not this insinuation most daringly slanderous, with respect to his Majesty, we should, indeed, be a people de graded beyond the power of description. But, daringly slanderous it is: his Majesty has no partiality for these .men: the far greater part of them were thrusted upon him, at a moment of great public anxiety and danger, and when there was no time f. r deliberation or choice: the rest have crept into place singly and imperceptibly: nor has any one of the ministers, or the whole of them together, ever received any special mark of the royal confidence. And, as to his Ma jesty's having, for so long a time, and in spite of all the calamity and disgrace they have brought upon the country, retained these ministers, that can by no means be construed into a mark of his confiding either in their talents or integrity; for, till now, where did he see a party to take in their stead? Out of the ministry all was division. The men fit to be ministers not only disagreed as to the measures which ought to be pursued; but, they could not agree in openly censuring those which were pursued, though they all disapproved of them. They all agreed as to the utter incapacity of 'he present ministers; but, till now, a rivalship natural to great minds, a rivalship for power and for fame, would not suffer them to co-operate even so far as to give each other a chance of preference. At last, however, every other con sideration has given way to that of the danger of the country: they have, at last, happily united, for the purpose of affording their Sovereign an opportunity of making choice of more able ministers; and, notwithstanding all the insinuations to the contrary, notwithstanding the presumptuous language of those who now pretend to have the exclusive possession of his friendship and confidence, there is every reason to suppose, that, of the millions, who will rejoice at their downfall, there is not one, to whom that event will give greater pleasure than to his Majesty,

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