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appropriated, and applied to the same pur-
pose. So that the public continues to pay
interest on the total amount of the national
debt (which of course, includes the amount
so bought up); yet that interest is received
again by the public; and, by being applied
to the purposes of the Sinking Fund, the na-
tion is in fact paying simple and receiving
compound interest: and hence arises the
benefit, the astonishing extent of which we
have shewn by the preceding statement.
The amount so bought up, cannot perhaps
be literally said to be paid off, whilst the
public continues to pay interest on it; but
may it not strictly be said to be redeemed,
since the public have absolutely paid the
original individual creditor? And, though
interest is still paid on it, that interest, as
said before, is repaid to the public, for the
purpose of buying up or redeeming more
stock, and thus in time positively cancelling
and paying off the whole.In the critical
and important contest in which we are at
present engaged, and struggling under the
burthen of taxes, when we consider that it
is more than probable that our haughty and
insatiable enemy trusts more to the hope of
our not being able to support those taxes,
than to the sword; we flatter ourselves the
statement we have now presented our readers,
will prove the more acceptable; and that
they will give us credit for the motives with
which we have brought it forward-to ani-
mate our countrymen to bear their present
burthens cheerfully, by pointing out to them,
if they persevere, a resting place almost
within their grasp. We trust the system of
the Sinking Fund will be persevered in to its
full extent. But should the exigencies of
the times ever require its suspension, it will
be seen by what we have now laid before
the public, that by suspending its operation
for the moment, funds adequate to any
emergency, or pecuniary embarrassment,
may be obtained, without laying an extraor
dinary load on the people. For instance, in
the present year, in case of invasion or other
unfortunate casualty, the sum of £6,311,626
would be at the disposal of government, by
suspending the operation of the Sinking Fund
only for one year; and in case of greater
emergency, the sum of £77,695,467 by sus-
pending its operation altogether. This,
whilst it must raise our spirits (if they re-
quire at all to be raised) must damp those of
our inveterate foes; and, whilst it brightens
all our prospects, must cast a sullen gloom
over all their projects. From their arms or
intrigues we are persuaded we have nothing
to fear; and when we thus see our resources
without the reach of their manœuvres, we

may treat their designs on our finances, with the same contempt we do their threats of invading our coasts.

IRISH CATHOLICS.

So much

MR. COBBETT,-The known impartiality of the Political Register will surely give place to this short letter in answer to C. M.; published in it last Saturday. As to Sir R. Musgrave's well-timed publication," it hath often been answered both by Protestant and Catholic writers-this short remark upon it: that highly respected nobleman, the Marquis of Cornwallis, when Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, ordered Sir R. Musgrave to leave out the dedication to him, which he had taken the liberty to usher the book into the world with.Bishop Caulfield in his justification, published in Dublin, gives us some letters sent to him by the Lord Lieutenant's Secretary, which proves his loyalty in the rebellion.for the veracity and candour of Sir R.'s writing. C. M. says, that Papists have every thing but power: this is a falsehood, for among several hardships of lesser moment, this piece of cruelty remains; ifa father turns Protestant his children cannot worship God in the way they think most acceptable to him, without incurring the most severe punishments for going to mass; and this according to the joint opinion of a late Attorney-General of England, and of one of Ireland (at this moment the wills of Earl Beaulieu and of Lord Dunboyne are litigating before Lord Chancellor Redesdale, for being relapsed Papists). So these wretched beings must try to be modern philosophers, and not believe the Christian religion at all in hopes of a moment's peace!Pray, can such men make good subjects, and add to the harmony of society?Now, as to Papists getting a proper degree of power when they support the government with their lives and fortunes, is a question for the justice of a British legislature.

-VFRAX.

PUBLIC PAPER. Memorial of the Prussian Minister presented to the Dictature of the Dict of Ratisbon, dated March 27, 1804.

His Majesty the King of Prussia is informed that the two high powers, to whose amicable mediation Germany is indebted for the salutary arrangement respecting the affair of the indemnities, are ready again to offer to the Germanic Empire their intervention in regard to the numerous difficulties and dissensions to which the execution of the last recess of the deputation of the

empire gave rise, and particularly concerning the immediate nobility, and that an overture on this subject has already been made to the Diet on the part of the French Government, his Majesty consequently thinks that he can no longer defer explaining with openness, to his high co-estates of the empire, his opinion on this overture, and in general on the turn which things have taken.

In the memorial delivered on this subject, on the 26th of January last, to the General Diet of the Empire, it was recommended as the best expedient, and as the wish emitted in the proposal of his Majesty-"That, in order to establish general principles, suited to the future relation between the Equestrian Body and the Territorial Sovereigns, the affair should be carried to the Diet, and submitted to a common comitial deliberation, and that in the mean-time, the Princes, who had proceeded to the act of taking possession, in regard to the Equestrian property, should be compelled to suspend all these proceedings. A declaration was at the same time added, that his Majesty the King could not see, with tranquillity, advantage taken of this opportunity to fo:ment dissensions in the empire by forms of procedure, and to accomplish certain political objects. His Majesty remains invariably attached to this opinion and these views, even after what has long passed.-- Even at the period of the said comitial declaration and before it was made, his Majesty had transmitted to the same purpose, overtures, counsels, and amicable invitations to the courts with which he is most intimately connected, and particularly to those which are directly interested in this affair. While his Majesty had reason to hope for a better effect from these steps, the conclusion of the Imperial Aulic Council of the Empire, which is generally known, made its appear. ance, ordering to the Princes interested in the re-establishment of the ancient state of the Equestrian possessions, and decreeing at the same time, a Commission of Conservation to the Archdacal House of Austria, and to three other Electors of the Empire, with the clause of conjointly and separately, by which each of them is furnished with the full powers given by the Commission to all.

By declarations made on the part of his Highness the Elector of Bavaria, and the example he has given, and which, according to the counsel of his Majesty, has been already followed, or will be, by the Princes who are in the same situation; things have been, in the mean-time, re-established in a manner which could alone be the object of the Aulic Council of the Empire, which has

no longer a right to give to its sentence an effect farther comminatory. This state of things then does not permit his Majesty to delay any longer to make known his opinion to the Commission of Conservation which has been decreed.His Majesty the King consequently declares, that he reserves, in the most solemn manner, his rights, all those of the States which are united in the same principles with him, and the interest of the Empire in general, against the self-titled Commission of Conservation, which the Aulic Council of the Empire may have issued in this complex, and very important affair, and particularly fit for a comitial deliberation; especially as it unconstitutionally passes over in silence his said Majesty in regard to those circles, the directory of which he exercises;-and; on the other hand, introduces the Archducal House of Austria, which is thus, in one cause, constituted a party in regard to its own relations in Suabia, and as a Judge and Executive Power. His Majesty the King, repeating the declaration, that he can never see, with tranquillity, advantage taken of this opportunity to foment dissensions in the Empire, by forms of procedure, and to accomplish certain political views, invites, at the same time, all his high co-estates to accept with confidence the mediation offered by the two High Powers, Russia and France, chiefly to regulate the differences in regard to the Equestrian Order, and to furnish their Ministers with the necessary instructions to take advantage of it in the residence of the General Diet of the Empire, by the way of a comitial deliberation, to be opened as soon as possible.

Copy of the Prince of Conde's Letter, conveying bis Thanks to the Emigrants, for their public Expression of their Concern at the Murder of the Duke D'Enghuien :-Wanstead House, April 27, 1804.

The excess of our grief, Sir, has not prevented my son and me from feeling, as we ought, the generous interest which all the faithful Emigrants have taken in the great loss we have recently sustained. We feel it as much our duty, as it is our anxious wish, to make known to them our entire gratitude. The number of those worthy persons to whom our thanks are due being too great to permit us to address ourselves to each in particular, we have requested the Minister of the King, who is the head of the Bourbons, to express, as perfectly as it is possible, to those Emigrants, so worthy of the cause they support, how sensible we are of the generous and distinguished manner

to be the

in which they have mingled their regret with ours, in the august and mournful ceremony of yesterday *. We therefore beseech you, Sir, in concert with interpreter of our just and lively gratitude, which will never be extinguished in our hearts but with our breath, which will terminate at once our sufferings, and our unfortunate race.- -We owe to you, Sir, our particular thanks for your care of the ceremony of yesterday; and we beg you to rest assured of our gratitude, and of the sentiments of perfect esteem and sincere friendship for you with which we have long been penetrated. (Signed) LOUIS JOSEPH DE BOURBON.

FOREIGN OFFICIAL PAPER. Extract from General Orders by Marat, Gov. of Paris, dated 14th April, 1805.

The governor of Paris, recommends to the aides-de-camp, officers, and subalterns. of the garrison and national guard, to enlighten the citizens, wherever they may find them, on the false reports, which the disaffected endeavour to propagate. They do not stick at the means; for now they give out, that the death of Pichegru is not the result of suicide: now again they spread abroad, that a great many prisoners are shot every wight. Let the citizens know, that military, as well as civil justice, is not exerted with out public forms; and that not one guilty person has been condemned by the military tribunals without his sentence having been printed and posted up immediately.The criminal tribunal continues its proceedings with the greatest activity. Whatever is spread relative to the facts, more or less important, with which the prisoners stand charged, must be considered as false reports. The arrests which have taken place since that of General Moreau, have confirmed his guilt. Ducorps, one of the brigands described in the list published by the Chief Judge, is just now arrested at Chartres. To this moment proofs have been found of every thing which the Chief Judge has said, and of nothing else but what he has said.

DOMESTIC OFFICIAL PAPERS. RE-CAPTURE OF GOREE.-Downing Street, April 27, 1804.-Copy of a Letter to Lord Hobart, from Capt. E. S. Dickson, Commanding H. M. Ship Inconstant, dated Goree, March 15, 1804.

My Lord, I beg leave to acquaint your Lordship with the re-capture of the Island

The Solemn Mass at St. Patrick's Chapel,

of Goree, and I have the honour to inclose you the articles of capitulation.-I have appointed Captain W. Murray, Senior Officer of the African Corps, Commandant at Goree, until his Majesty's pleasure is known; and as I had not any directions relative to the cargo of the Eagle, store-ship, I took the liberty to open the letter addressed to Colonel Fraser, from your Lordship, and have given it to Capt. Murray, and ordered him to follow, as close as possible, the directions contained therein. The very ample supply of stores and provisions this vessel appears to have brought out, and the great strength of the garrison at present, enables me to assure your Lordship of its perfect security. Mr. Charles Pickford, my First Lieutenant, an intelligent and deserving officer, and whom I beg leave to recommend to your Lordship, will have the honour of presenting this letter. He will be able to inform you very fully of every particular relative to Goree and its dependencies.-I hope the arrangement I have made will meet your Lordship's approbation.—I have the honour to be, &c.

Articles of Capitulation.-Art. I. The French garrison at the Island of Goree shall be allowed to leave it, drums beating, and with the honours of war.-Art. II. The effects, baggage, and arms of the troops shall be given up to them, as well as the private property of the officers, the commandant of the garrison, officers of administration, guards of artillery, and other public employments. Art. III. The convalescent and sick, in a state to be sent to Senegal with the troops, also such French citizens as wish to leave the Island, with their property, shall be permitted to enjoy the same privilege.Art. IV. The vessels, stores, &c. of all kinds to be delivered to the British.-Art. V. The property of the inhabitants of what nature soever, shall be respected and preserved.Goree, this 8th of March, 1804.-(Signed) C. PICKFORD, Lieut.-MONTMAYEUR.

SUMMARY OF POLITICS.

CHANGE OF MINISTERS. In the preceding number of the Register, the parliamentary divisions were brought down to the 25th ultimo, when, in the House of Commons, upon the motion of Mr. Pitt, the House divided, for the motion 203, against it 240, reducing the minister's majority to 37. On Friday, the 27th ultimo, a debate was to take place in the House of Lords, upon a motion of the Marquis of Statford for a committee of the whole House to go into an inquiry on the state of the defence of the country. When Friday came, the

motion was put off till Monday, the 30th ultimo; but, when the Marquis of Stafford was about to commence the discussion, Lord Hawkesbury rose, and said, that "very

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urgent reasons existed for inducing him ་་ to request the intended motion to be post "poned." Lord Grenville hoped, that the ministers were not trifling with the House; and the Earl of Carlisle expressed his wish, that the postponement might be intended for the purpose of effecting a change in the ministry, which, he said, would give universal satisfaction to the House and to the country. Upon which Lord Hawkesbury observed, that he felt himself attacked not by a common party, requiring parliamentary satisfaction, but by a faction who "would not be satisfied unless every thing " was conceded to them." The motion was then, after some animadversion on this remark, postponed till the 4th instant, and, on the 3d instant, it was put off till Monday the 7th instant.--The" urgent reason" which induced the solid young lord, the maker of the peace of Amiens, to request a postponement of the Marquis of Stafford's motion, was, that he and his colleagues perceived, that they should be out-voted. It is thought, that, for the first time these hundred years, there would have been a majority, in the House of Lords, against the minister of the day.-On the same day, a similar notification was given in the House of Commons; and both Houses adjourned in full confidence, that a new ministry would be chosen, with as little delay as possible, a confidence which time has shewn was by no means well founded. The Doctor is said to have refused to accept of a title and of a thumping pension, as the "reward of his services"; but, is it not to slander the monarchy, and particularly the virtuous sovereign who is at the head of that monarchy, to assert that such an offer has been made?" The king can do no wrong", says the letter and the spirit of the constitution. But, his advisers can; and, every measure must be attributed to some adviser or other: for every measure there must be some one, who incurs a real and complete responsibility. If this were not the case, responsibility would be a delusion, a mere farcical term, and we should be ruled by a power as absolute, in practice, as that which is exercised over the prople of Prussia, or Russia. Who, then, can we imagine to be so hardy as to advise His Majesty to bestow upon the Doctor a pension and a peerage? Rewards and honours upon the man, whose administration has brought nothing but ruin and disgrace upon the country Who is

the man that shall take upon himself the responsiblity for giving such advice? Is it the successor of the Doctor; or is it the Doctor himself?--He has, however, it seems, accepted of the house and land in Richmond Park! His modesty, and even his fear, we are told, in the public prints, were insufficient to prevent his grasping hold of this property. And who is it that can have advised the giving of a part of the royal domains to this man? Somebody must. be regarded as the adviser, and, as the step has been taken, if taken at all, during the Doctor's administration, the responsibility is his. Amongst the articles of accusation, preferred against former ministers, that of obtaining grants of lands, &c. from the sovereign frequently occurs; and, most assuredly, the grant in question, if it has been made, is a matter which merits the serious consideration of parliament; where, it is to be hoped, that no bargain for support of the new ministry will prevent a full and fair investigation of the conduct and views of their predecessors. This investigation is absolutely necessary: it is one of the objects which every honest and public-spirited man had in view from the change; and, without it, that change, let who will be minister, can produce but little effect in the minds of the people, because they see no hope of a change of system.

-

NEW MINISTRY.- -From the time that the ministers requested a suspension of the parliamentary discussions; and, indeed, for several days before, some of them appear to have been deeply engaged in an endeavour to prevent the forming, as their successors, a ministry upon a comprehen. sive plan. The suspension took place on Monday the 30th ultimo. A communication was made, on the 3d instant, from his Majesty to Mr. Pitt, by the mouth of Lord Chancellor Eldon, who has been the prin cipal adviser of his Majesty in this important occasion. To Mr. Pitt a tender of his former high situation was made; but, clog ged with the conditions, that he should n revive the Catholic Question, and that he should not bring in Mr. Fox. After some fur. ther communications, and several interviews between Mr. Pitt and the Lord Chancellor, an interview took place between his Majesty and Mr. Pitt, on Mon day last, the 7th of May, when his Majesty declared his resolution not to admit Mr. Fox into the cabinet. His Majesty had no objection to Earl Spencer, Lord Grenville, Mr. Windham, or any of their friends, nor, indeed, to the friends of Mr. Fox specifical ly; but, to Mr. Fox Himself, he declared his

unalterable objection.In this place it is proper to state what was the situation of Mr. Pitt with respect to the parties and persons above spoken of. The public men, not in or acting with the ministry, must be considered as divi led into three classes; to wit; FIRST: Mr. Pitt and his friends, amongst whom were Lords Melville, Harrowby, Mulgrave, and Camden, and, in the lower House, the immaculate George Rose and Charles Long. SECOND: the New Opposition, consisting of Lords Fitzwilliam, Carlisle, Spencer, Grenville, Minto, Mr. Windhani, Mr. Grenville, and their friends. THIRD: Mr. Fox and his powerful party, the Old Opposition, pàrged of the Tierneys and the Hobhouses, and upon the point of undergoing the same operation with respect to Messrs. Erskine and Sheridan. A year ago it was perceived, that the reign of the Doctor, the scandalous triumph of imbecillity, only existed by the division of these parties. The nation felt this; and all men who loved the country were anxious to see a reconci. lation take place, and a co-operation, so far, at least, as was necessary, to obtain for the country an administration, embracing such a weight of talents and character as might excite confidence at home and respect abroad. It was time, too, to put an end to the effect of party animosities which had lived for ten years, and especially as the cause of those animosities had totally ceased to exist. Participating in this the general feeling of the country, the Old and New Oppositions seemed to make some approaches towards each other during the latter part of the last session of Parliament. This inclination gathered strength before Parliament met again; and, to the satisfaction of every one except the ministers and their creatures, the language of Mr. Fox and Mr. Windham soon indicated, that any further attempts to prolong the differences between them would fail of success. Pitt and his close adherents still kept aloof, till that gentleman himself began to perceive, that those, by whom he had been constantly supported, and whose support was worth having, were daily joining in those opposition divisions, from which he thought proper to keep away. Thus situated, he determined to co-operate with the Old and New Oppositions so far, at least, as was necessary to leave the ministers in a minority; but, without any positive engagement as to the composition of a new ministry, leaving himself at full liberty to act, as to that matter, according to the dictates of his own mind, Between the leaders

Mr.

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of the Old and New Oppositions there might be, and it is probable there was, an understanding somewhat more friendly, but certainly no specific agreement. No pledge, or even proposal, as to the acceptance of office, or the division of power, had been made by either party. Amongst all the parties, however, the object of turning out the tinman ministry was clearly understood to be that of bringing into power the united talents, character, weight, and influence, of the leading men of both Houses, without any distinction as to party, and certainly without any idea of acting upon a principle of proscription.--Thus the parties stood with respect to each other when the ministers requested a suspension of the parliamentary discussions, and thus they remained till the day, on which Mr. Pitt had the first interview with the King. In a few hours after that interview, he went to Lord Grenville, informed him of the result, and requested him to communicate it to the other leaders of the New Opposition. His Lordship complied with the request, but he, at the same time, observed to Mr. Pitt, that he was certain, that without including Mr. Fox, and without a complete abandonment of the principle of proscription, he was cer tain that Mr. Pitt must make up his mind to proceed in his arrangements without including therein any of the members of the New Opposition.It was also communicated to the friends of Mr. Fox, that there was no positive objection to any of them.In this state of things, Mr. Fox, who, from the very beginning was sincerely desirous of seeing his Majesty surrounded with a strong administration, hastened to express to the members both of the Old and New Opposition, that, he wished them to consult only the good of the country; to accept office, or not, whichever they thought most likely to effect that object; and, by no means, to act under any restraint on his account; but to consider him, since it was his Majesty's pleasure to object to him, as a person whose exclusion ought to have no influence whatever on their conduct; for, that, at a moment like the present, all personal considerations ought to give way to those immediately connected with the safety of the country. Public-spirited and magnanimous conduct like this would have met with but a very poor return in a deci sion founded upon the narrow grounds of personal attachment and party engagements. Both the Old and the New Opposition refused to participate in power without him; and this determination arose from a thorough conviction, that at a moment

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