Saviour. After a day of toil and exciting debate in the olden time, it strengthened one's faith to hear him at the family altar, in earnest, simple, trustful language, plead with God for His blessing to rest on his family, the labours of the day, his country, and on the Church of Christ in all her branches. I have made these remarks for the purpose of pointing to Mr. Brown as a noble example to all our public men, and to show that a life of public labour and manifold cares is not only consistent with, but even helpful to, the growth of Christian sentiment; that all the activities of our life may grow out of one root, and receive their noblest impulse from one centre, when Christ has laid His loving hand upon us, and we live as His servants, to do His will from the heart.

Public men require the prayers of God's people, for they are exposed to many and great dangers from which others escape who walk in the quieter paths of private duty. And political life especially makes such a great demand on men's time, and tends to engross the thoughts till the whole empire of feeling is swayed. And especially to men of ardent and impulsive temperaments, who pour out their life-forces on every undertaking, and work with both hands earnestly, the danger is great that the claims of the next world may be forgotten in the pursuits of this. And the world's work must be done, and it may be work sacred to Our Father in Heaven, who calls us to do it as loving service rendered to Him. It will be a day of unutterable ruin to our country if the conviction ever becomes general that politics must not be touched by Christian hands lest they be denled, but must be left to the manipulations of those who have no conscience and no God. It is as much the duty of one man to be a politician as it is for another to be a missionary to China, nor is it a higher or lower kind of service, but simply different; and as the labourers are sent forth, the Great Husbandman reminds each of his responsibilities. Our public offices require, and our representative men should be, our bravest and truest, the most devout towards God, and ready to honour the Gospel in all their public relations and duties.

Many statesmen have been examples of earnest Christians in the honoured discharge of high public duties. We need only mention the late Abraham Lincoln, whom his countrymen delight to honour, not more sagacious as a statesman than earnest as a believer in the Lord Jesus Christ. Or Guizot, the philosopher and illustrious statesman of France, recently departed amid the fond regrets of his countrymen; or to Gladstone, the Premier of England; or to him over whose new-formed grave our land mourns. All these are proofs that the Lord can be honoured in the most engrossing walks of public life. And Mr. Brown's name is all the dearer to us as a member of the Presbyterian church, a church which has had its own work and influence in moulding public sentiment, and in gaining those civil and religious rights for which we rejoice. Take away the religious history of Britain, or of the Anglo-Saxon race, and what have we left? That which saved the nations of the Reformation was their faith in God ; that which made them brave, resolute, noble, was the religious atmosphere they breathed. Their religion formed their policy, framed their laws, fashioned their character, and shaped their after fortunes, and it ill becomes men whom a Christian public has entrusted with the discharge of high public duties to turn their backs upon all that has made our country what it is, and has been the chief distinction of these noble men that have rendered the truest public service. The great statesman whom we buried last week never hesitated to say that the hope of our country, as of all other countries, depended upon a sound Christian sentiment among our people, and it is a pity that some of the smaller of our statesmen would not learn to act accordingly, and not wound the Christian sensibilities of their best friends. I would not encourage persecution for opinions, but if these men are resolved to set the law of Christ at defiance, and act according

to their supposed liberty, they must not complain if Christian people learn to act also according to their sense of propriety in not according political support to men whose example and influence tend to break down the institutions of God's appointment, and who systematically ignore all that is most vital in the judgment of Christ's loyal disciples.

But the grandeur of Mr. Brown's character is seen as much in the private relations and domestic duties of his life as in those that were more public. His personal friends were much prized, while the affection of his heart lit up the home, as sunshine resting amid spring blossoms. The life of Mr. Brown was a many-sided one. The general publie think of him as a statesman and journalist. But Toronto will miss him who ever aimed at building up the interests of his adopted city; the down-trodden slave remembers his noble advocacy on their behalf years ago; the poor and friendless knew him as a sympathetic helper, for distress never appealed to him in vain; while in his own home he was known as the faithful father, the loving husband and brother. His was a home full of domestic comfort -a true Christian home; and now in these days of bereavement there is an air of quiet, subdued, chastened grief, a submissive, grateful yielding to the will of God, which is its chief glory. As I stood looking on the wasted features of the departed, and thought how still that brain was which once teemed with great resolves, I felt strongly what he himself said to his former pastor, on hearing of the death of his much-loved friend Mr. Holton : How vain are all activities that are separated from the interests of our Redeemer, and how needful to keep the true aim of life constantly before us." For the last thirty-five years his name has been a household word, and like every man engaged in public affairs, he has met much severe criticism, but no stain has tarnished his honour, no cloud can rest upon his memory. He rests from his labours, and his works do follow him, while his record is before his God. It is a small matter to be judged by mau's judgment; He that judgeth every man is the Lord, and His judgments are according to truth. When high intellectual powers, true devotion to one's country, sound judgment, a large ripe experience, are all clasped by loyalty of heart to the Redeemer, it makes a rich, noble character, and one much needed. Such a man our country had in Mr. Brown. And it is unspeakably sad that one who had lived to such noble purpose should have beer cut down by the hands of a miscreant; a great national calamity, caused by what threatens to be a national curse. It is a mysterious providence that overhangs his departure, but we bow reverently to the disposals of an overruling hand; and to the question, "Who will take his place?" we reply, No man ever takes another man's place or does another man's work in the Master's vineyard; the man and his place, the labour and the labourer, pass away together, while each man is called upon to occupy his own place and do his own work. And yet a good man lives in the future as much as in the past. The principles, he has inculcated, the forces he has set in motion, the influences he has exerted, go down through the ages and modify the resuits of the waiting years.

His last days were full of weariness and suffering, but cheered by a sense of the Divine presence. Nor was his Christian character a thing of recent years; he lived and died in the faith of Jesus Christ and in full reliance on His merits. During the later stages of his illness, when the cloud of delirium lifted from his mind for a brief period, it was unspeakable comfort to his sorrowing family and friends to hear his calm, clear, simple statement of his hope toward God and faith in the Lord Jesus Christ; his satisfaction that his labour should end if God so willed it. Such a statement from his lips is enough to baptise a nation's sorrow, and to assure us that the Lord hath taken another of His redeemed children from earth's day of toil into the rest where no strife of tongues can enter. As

his life lay in the balance, we hoped the result would have been otherwise; and now the issue is determined, and George Brown is no more. But bis memory will long remain green in the affections of his grateful countrymen, for he is one whom the nation will delight to honour. His name is his grandest monument, and as we laid his wasted body amid the cold clods of earth-dust to dust, and ashes to ashes-we said: "King of Terrors, do thy worst; we know the limits of thy power; it is not much you can do, it is not long." Christ hath gotten the victory and robbed death of its sting. By His resurrection and triumph He has shed a blessed light over the darkness of the grave.

The day of a believer's death is a great day, and one long to be remembered, for it is the final application to the redeemed soul of the ransom which Immanuel paid; it is deliverance to the captive, it is joy in heaven and glory to God. The death of a believer is a great thing, but its greatness is turned toward eternity, and can neither be seen nor described by us; we leave its greatness to the day to reveal that eternal weight of glory. And knowing that all the grandeur lies on the other side that looks into eternity, we make no attempt to decorate this side that looks into time. But one thing we do urge you to consider, that the solemn hour of dissolution awaits us all, and how blessed it is to have our faith resting in Him who is the resurrection and the life. "And I heard a voice from heaven saying unto me, write, Blessed are the dead that die in the Lord from henceforth; yea, saith the Spirit, that they may rest from their labours ; and their works do follow them." Therefore, my beloved brethren, be ye steadfast, unmovable, always abounding in the work of the Lord, for as much as ye know that your labour is not in vain in the Lord." Amen.

66

CORRESPONDENCE.

The following letters are given because of the interest they possess, in a political or personal sense, as illustrative of Mr. Brown's life. The greater portion of them were written to the late Mr. Holton, in whom Mr. Brown placed unlimited confidence, though occasionally obliged to differ with him in his view of public affairs. To many of

Mr. Brown's old associates the incidents mentioned in this correspondence will doubtless be of much interest, as they necessarily recall many of the old battles preceding the constitutional changes effected during his active political life.

Their chief value, however, consists in their autobiographical character. Mr. Brown's outspoken, frank manner will at once be recognized, while his manifest disinterestedness will be apparent where he deals with the position of political friends, and especially with reference to his own position in the liberal party.

As the correspondence is fragmentary, it has not been considered wise or necessary to arrange it so as to connect certain periods and It is therefore printed in chronological order.

events.

LETTER TO THE HON. JOHN SANDFIELD MACDONALD.

GLOBE OFFICE, TORONTO, August 16, 1854.

MY DEAR MACDONALD,-I congratulate you most heartily on the result of the elections. I had intended writing you for a fortnight past, but have been prevented by various causes from doing so. The loss of Cicero lessens your strength; but you must admit that he deserved richly to lose his election. Moreover, your tail will, I imagine, be much longer in this parliament than it was in the last, and the orator will hardly be missed from it. From what I have heard there is no doubt of this. Many independent reformers look to you as leader, and if you take your stand firmly and wisely, and without delay, the game is in your own hands. You will have seen that the Leader endeavours to make bad blood between you and me by ranging you among my followers. I have not noticed the thing in the Globe for two reasons. First, it would be attracting additional attention to it; and second, because I could not do so without defining my true position, which it would be inexpedient at this moment to do publicly. To you, however, I mean to speak plainly. Our long friendship entitles you to it, and your conduct to me in the Speaker's chair, and our compact at the breaking up of the House, also

demand it. I tell you frankly then that, far from having any ambition to be the head of the party, I would not take office under any circumstances were it offered me. All I desire is the success of the principles to which I have attached myself; and if you can form a government pledged to separation of church and state, representation by population, and nonsectarian schools, I will not only aid you in doing so, but will support your government with all my heart and vigour. I wish you to understand this, and to act upon it, as, with this knowledge, you may feel more at liberty to use my aid in carrying out your views. It is of course of much importance that an immediate understanding should be arrived at among independent reformers. If we go to the discussion on the address without previous concert, Hincks may frighten some reformers into voting for the government by the threat that they will lose their preserves. To meet this you must have it previously ascertained and shown that you can form a better and more thoroughgoing government, in which case nothing can save the government from defeat. If I were in your position, I would write to all the reformers I was on terms with, urging them to go down to Quebec by the Saturday evening boat, in order that the caucus might be held on the Monday before the meeting of parliament. In the meantime you should see Sicotte, Young, Dorion, and the other Lower Canadians you expect to act with, and to have matters thoroughly understood. They too should hold a meeting. I say nothing as to the speakership, taking it for granted that you will aim at higher game. One advantage of the course I suggest would be that you would thereby have an opportunity of judging beforehand as to the best mode of working the speakership vote Of course, I think that in any case we must put you in as Speaker in order to show our approval of your closing speech last session. Your being in the chair would not, I suppose, interfere with your accepting the attorney-generalship, and forming a ministry in the event of a hostile reply to the address being carried. It is very clear that the present ministry are used up, even if they get over the hitch at the address. The new House will be far in advance of them. If Hincks, to please the Upper Canada members, should even change his position and liberalize his policy, he would thereby throw from hin Moreau and the conservative section of the Lower Canadians. If, on the other hand, he plays as heretofore into the hands of his French friends, he will drive off from him the Upper Canada Radicals. It is clear that the natural allies of the reformers of Upper Canada are the Rouges, so called. Let me impress this on you in forming your alliance, that at this moment you can make any terms. Once your government is formed, there will be many difficulties found in the way of progressive measures. Let, then, the conditions of your accepting office be broad, and such as will secure credit to your government, if no more were done by it.

Yours ever truly,

HON. J. S. MACDONALD.

GEORGE BROWN,

LETTER TO MR. HOLTON.

GLOBE OFFICE, Jan. 29, 1858.

MY DEAR HOLTON,-I have to apologize for not sooner answering your note of last week, but absence from town and a crowd of engagements have prevented me from doing so before now.

I have since received yours of the 26th, which considerably relieved the disquiet produced by the other. I am very sorry our friends cannot feel themselves at liberty to take your clear view of our position, and resolve