by Ottawa? It has been suggested to refuse more money to this government. What do you think I should do about the opening? Go down or write a letter? I am not inclined to go down, as it might be said I went to influence the choice of a leader or the adoption of some party policy. Pray advise. I hope it is true that you cross the Atlantic with Mrs. Hoiton in the summer. It would be so pleasant to go together and compare notes occasionally as to men and things. The session, I conclude, will not last longer than June, and if you take your seat this session, of course you could not leave till the House rose, and I could not wait so late, having business waiting me in England.

HON. L. H. HOLTON, Montreal.

Yours faithfully,

GEORGE BROWN.

LETTER TO MR. HOLTON.

TORONTO, May 29, 1862.

MY DEAR HOLTON, -I was delighted beyond measure at the receipt of your letter. It is so refreshing to find that one of the old set at any rate

sticks to the ship.

Believe me, that though I have not written, you have not been out of my mind for two consecutive hours in the last two weeks, and I have been more than once on the point of running down to consult you as to the course I should take. I was only deterred by fear of the construction that would be attached to my going east at such a moment. As it is, I would like much to have two hours with you, for who else to consult with I know not. My only reason for not writing was the necessity of sending a well-considered reply to that strange letter of McGee's. 1 am writing this at one o'clock in the morning, after a five hours' interview with Wilson and Foley. The conclusion I came to from all they have told me is that a greater set of incapables than the quartette was never got by accident into the government of any country. Would you believe it? They tell me their constitutional scheme is to be embodied in formal resolutions, and submitted for the adoption of parliament next session; that any modification of the plan will be adopted, and that they them selves will do their utmost to have representation by population made part of the scheme, and if necessary will resign, or take any other course the party desire! Foley says he will state the substance of this in his address, which he is to prepare to-morrow and submit to me for consideration. McDougall is to leave Quebec to-night, and will be here to-morrow night. Foley's address will be held over until he arrives and joins our consultation, so that it will not appear before Monday morning. I would do anything to have you here; is it not possible for you to come? would be an immense relief if you did, it is so hard to tell how to act. There is no doubt that if I go into it, and stump the four counties, three of them at any rate will be beaten. But that would split the party, and bring on once more a most disagreeable personal warfare, which I wish to avoid of all things. I am keenly desirous of sticking to my business for a couple of years, and especially of getting myself off to England for a few months. Το go into such a fight would knock everything on the head; but then, if we don't kill them their conduct may yet kill us as a party. If we could get the arrangement put before the public as an open question, and have it understood that resolutions (on which the whole relations of Upper and Lower Canada would come up) were to be presented to parliament next session, the complexion of affairs would be entirely changed. Only fancy the folly of these men telling the House and the public that

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the matter was closed, when they could with so much more advantage have told the truth, if indeed it is the truth.

Sicotte must have been very closely run on his side of the question, when he got the worst side proposed for his colleagues from Upper Canada, to strengthen himself in Lower Canada. I will write you from day to day to inform you of our negotiations, in case you don't come up. In the meantime, I need not tell you how much I would value any suggestions you have to make for the Globe's guidance.

Ever faithfully yours,

HON. L. H. HOLTON, Montreal.

GEORGE BROWN.

LETTER TO MR. HOLTON.

TORONTO, June 2, 1862.

MY DEAR HOLTON, -I feel exceedingly obliged by your ready response to my unreasonable request, and only regret it was out of your power to come up. I cannot help feeling that the line of policy to be pursued by the Globe and by our staunch friends here was a question of no small difficulty and no light importance. Had I been able to discuss the whole matter with you, and we had arrived at a joint conclusion, all doubt would have been off my mind. The die is cast, however, and, right or wrong, I must stand by it.

Foley and Wilson, when with me first, both maintained they had sacrificed nothing, and were as ready to vote for representation by popu lation now as ever. When I asked Wilson what he would do if a vote on it came up next session, he said he would vote for it unless it were put as a vote of want of confidence; and that if a majority of the West Canada members would vote for it in the latter shape he would resign. Foley doubted how they would act in the former case, but was clear that if the motion in the latter case came from Tom Ferguson or J. H. Cameron, they would not regard it. However, they both agreed that resolutions embodying the new policy were to be laid before parliament next session; that the whole question of the constitutional relations between Upper and Lower Canada would then come up; and that if an advance could then be obtained, or the party asked them to take a certain course, even at the risk of office, they would go heartily into it. I seized this declaration, and asked if they would put this in their addresses? They both agreed to do so. Foley was to write his address out and show it to me on Friday forenoon, and when McDougall arrived that evening, to have a consultation as to the best means of putting matters in a more satisfactory shape.

Foley did bring me his address on Friday, but he found it very difficult to put his ideas in such a shape as would suit the purpose here and not offend his Lower Canada colleagues. After a good deal of debate we agreed to let the matter rest until McDougall arrived. He arrived on Friday night, as arranged, and was with me from half-past eleven till near three o'clock. After telling him my mind very plainly, we discussed the whole subject fully. He repeated all that Foley and Wilson said, and agreed to stand by it, but he refused positively to put it in his address, or to have it in any address.

Our discussion had evidently opened his eyes to the difficulty of putting the double majority delusion in formal resolutions, and made him shrink from pledging himself to submit them to the House.

Would it not be rich to have the whole constitution changed by the simple will of twelve gentlemen who happened for the time to hold the

twelve state offices? McDougall evidently felt his oats, but Gordon caught a different impression. I was very candid with him and the others, but of course as courteous and friendly as the case would admit of. Among other things, McDougall stated that Howland only held office temporarily, and that I was looked for as his successor. I scouted this suggestion, and asked him how it came that you were not made Minister of Finance, as we had all intended in the event of a crisis. He said because Sandfield and Sicotte were against it. He admitted the concern could not go on as it was, and that he looked on it as a mere make-shift.

The question now was what course should be taken? Start candidates against all four, and run out as many as possible? or permit them to go in unopposed, and hold them up to the mark under the stimulus of bit and spur? I had nobody to consult with but Gordon. We deliberated long, and finally concluded that the latter course was the best for the country and the party under all the circumstances. Friday's Globe contained no allusion to the matter, and Saturday's gave a gentle hint to the North York meeting that there were two sides to the question of rejecting them. This morning's paper discussed the double majority humbug. We shall quietly fall into the attitude of independent but hearty support on all but the one question. I will ask no favours from them for anyone, and will stand ready heartily to aid them to the best of my ability, with the one reservation that on the constitutional question they are to be coerced on every occasion.

Now for the reasons that led me to this conclusion. To oppose the re-election of the new ministers would have been to split the party once more, not only in the five counties, but all over the province. The best men of the country would have gone with us, but a large section would have been estranged. It was no slight responsibility to face this result. Then, supposing that could be got over, where were the men to run? Several excellent men were available to run, but not such men as were necessary for the crisis. Suppose us successful at all the elections, who was there to carry out in the House the bold policy that such a result would render necessary? The worst of it is that nearly all our friends in the House had been committed to a partial support of the government, notwithstanding their retrograde policy, and might regard such success as a censure on themselves. I felt that to give effect to the movement I must run myself, and carry out in the House what had been begun in the country; this I was determined not to do. Then came the fear that our success might possibly kill the ministry, and bring back the corruptionists. I shrank from the responsibility of risking that. It could not be forgotten that the present men would certainly effect great practical reforms; and especially that while the old set would have been entirely beyond our reach if once reinstalled, the present men will always be less or more within reach if they stray from the right path. On the other hand, was there much chance of the present concern lasting long? And if it fell, would there not be a general election? With the party committed, partly, to this monstrous policy, would we not be swept from existence as a party? Moreover, was not the credit of the country and the honour of the liberal party at stake in the conduct of these four men and the reception given them by their constituents? And if returned unopposed, would it not be saying as plainly as possible that Upper Canada was quite content to set aside her claims for just representation and take a miserable delusion in its place? We weighed the whole matter seriously and maturely, and concluded to take the course I have already sketched. I hope our conclusion was right. Assuredly we arrived at it with a strong desire to do that which seemed best for the weal of the country.

Now, my dear Holton, the best news I have heard is that you are coming out for Huntingdon; I entreat you to do so; there could be no

doubt of your success. If you come out, I promise that the moment you ask me to come back to Parliament, I will at once respond. The present ministry will not last long. From the strongest of them, with the best of our friends outside, a higher and better policy might be carried out for our country than what is in prospect for us now. Don't think of accepting the Upper House.

I hope to start across the Atlantic in about three weeks, but will try and see you before I go. Your candidature may interfere with your trip, but it would be pleasant to meet you in England. I would give much for that opportunity.

Ever faithfully yours,

GEORGE BROWN.

HON. L. H. HOLTON, Montreal.

LETTER TO MR. HOLTON.

EDINBURGH, Sept. 3, 1862.

MY DEAR HOLTON, -I got here at a very interesting time-I mean to London. I was fortunate enough to be present at the great debate in the Commons and at the great Grand Trunk meeting. It would be hard to say which disappointed me most. The ignorance of English politicians about Canadian affairs is as astounding as the helpless dependence of the capitalists on the word of a few bell-wethers. I cannot tell you how glad I am at having had an opportunity of seeing how affairs are managed here. It is very curious and very instructive. I have met many people in the political and financial worlds, and have received the greatest kindness from all. The truths told in the Globe for the last ten years have not prevented the Barings and Glyns being very civil; and those who escaped Grand Trunk benefits particularly so. I have a great deal to tell you when I see you. It would be absurd to attempt it in a letter.

I had a most satisfactory interview with the Duke of Newcastle at his request. His scruples about representation by population are entirely gone. It would have done even Sandfield good to hear his ideas on the absurdity of the double majority. Whatever small politicians and the London Times may say, you may depend upon this, that the government and the leaders of the opposition perfectly understand our position, and have no thought of changing the relations between Canada and the mother country. On the contrary, the members of the government (with the exception of Gladstone) are set upon the Intercolonial Railway and a grand transit route across the continent! But for Mr. Gladstone's opposition, I have reason to believe that the scheme would have been announced by this time.

The meeting of the British North America Association, at which Mr. Galt spoke, was got up professedly to explain to the English public the present position of Canada and Canadian affairs, but in reality it was intended to force the Intercolonial Railway on public attention. I declined going because, in order to show our true position, I must have attacked some who were on the platform with me, and I did not think it fair to Sandfield and his colleagues to aid an agitation that might be embarrassing to them. So far I support the present government on everything else but the great constitutional issue and the school question; and that I may have more to say on these two, I shall earnestly aid them on all other questions.

I am delighted to learn that your election for the Upper House is quite safe, though, of course, it is coupled with regret that you will not be in

your proper sphere among the "Lords." Galt and I have made up the peace. By the way, he goes in now for constitutional changes stiff. He is to address the Manchester Chamber of Commerce on Canadian finances before he leaves. I have been asked to be present, and also to speak in several other quarters, but have steadily declined. I have no idea of defending Canada before the English people, and defence is the only possible attitude at this moment.

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The bitterness against the United States here is remarkable, and the feeling is as senseless as it is bitter. The Times wields an astonishing influence over the length and breadth of the land. What it means by its present course I cannot conceive, and no one here can enlighten me. seems to be meanly pandering to the passions of the people without regard to the inevitable hostile feeling that will arise in consequence of such writing in future years.

I got to this my native city a few days ago, and at once started off on an inspection of the old loved spots. I wandered from house to house and place to place where dear remembrances led me, and the mingled sensations were overwhelming. I have had many delightful meetings with old friends and cronies, but the sad, sad blanks tell the tale of twenty-five years.

Only one old friend recognized me, and he did so from having seen Gordon when here two or three years ago; all the others, though they had seen my brother and sister lately, failed to make me out.

I mean to stay here about a month, then, ho! for Canada. But for the sad thought that never more will I see my beloved mother ever recurring, my visit would have been one of intense pleasure throughout.

I needed nothing to "reconcile" me to Canada; but, after all I have seen, I say now as earnestly as ever, Canada for me!

Ever faithfully yours,

HON. L. H. HOLTON, Montreal.

GEORGE BROWN.

LETTER TO MR. HOLTON.

TORONTO, Jan. 5, 1863.

MY DEAR HOLTON,-Many thanks for your kind congratulations, and I assure you my friends may well congratulate me, for I am a new man in mind and body after my trip to England, and as happy as the day is long. I do not know when I may get down to Montreal, but whenever I do Mrs. Brown will accompany me, and I have promised her a great pleasure, and, I trust, the friendship of all your family circle. I quite weary to have a long talk with you on many subjects. I have much to tell. Is there any chance of your coming up? I may possibly be called to Montreal by business within three or four weeks, but it is not likely. I wish very much to have consultation also with Dorion. You would see an absurd article in the Leader of yesterday about new combinations. I need hardly say that, so far as I am concerned, there is not a shadow of truth in it. I never had any love for coalitionists, and certainly have as little now as I ever had. The Leader and its friends may rest assured that when I go to open war with the present ministry, it will be as a reformer and a party reformer, and that I shall take some small section of that party with me, sufficient at any rate to make war effectively for Upper Canada principles, whether the conservatives like it or not. But entirely re-established in health as I am, and free from nearly all business retardment, I have no desire whatever to re-enter parliamentary life, and would much rather