accomplish through others what the country wants than be a prominent participant myself. I have thought out a course for myself pretty clearly, but shall make no sign or say anything until I see you and discuss our affairs fully. I regretted much you could not come to Great Britain this summer. You would have enjoyed it intensely. But I trust there is a good time coming. I am happy to know that I can now give you notes to many of the friends in England and Scotland who will welcome you heartily from the knowledge they already have of you. I met many Canadians in London. Ever faithfully yours, GEORGE BROWN. HON. L. H. HOLTON, Montreal. LETTER TO MR. TORONTO, Feb. 12, 1863. MY DEAR -I was greatly gratified by Dorion's refusal to join the present ministry. I fear that sooner or later we will be forced to part company with them, and it is a great relief to have Dorion out of it. Indeed, I cannot see how they are to get on with any comfort. The Intercolonial Railway matter stands in a very awkward position. If they were willing to face borrowing the money to build the road, and the annual deficit in running it, I think they need not have scrupled about the sinking fund. It strikes me it was a very small loop-hole to escape by; but let us rejoice the country is saved the burden threatened. The postal subsidy to the Grand Trunk is another rock ahead. I hear the government has been pledged to arbitration. I hope this is a mistake; but if not, it will create trouble. The school question, too, stands out in a threatening aspect, but perhaps that may be avoided as well as the Credit Foncier; but from what I hear, Sicotte's strength in Lower Canada is far from what was expected, and will prove the weakest spot of the administration. Sandfield, it seems, has promise of a dissolution; but so far as Upper Canada is concerned, I am persuaded that if he tries he will find himself mistaken. There will be unavoidable divisions in the reformers' ranks where conservatives will be united, and the result may easily be seen. If an election were to come now, I would not move hand or pen except for the individual whom I knew to be reliable from every point of view. I confess I view the position of our party with some degree of alarm-more alarm than I have felt for ten years. Ministers may get supporters to vote down representation by population, or they may treat their vote on that question with indifference; but the country will not do so, and any attempt to speak against it as the late minister did, will cause a burst of indignation over the country. Divisions will spring up. In every store and bar-room of Upper Canada the contest will be waged; the best of our men will be found where they were. One set will be pitted against the other; and when the election comes, the result will be seen. I have no desire to enter parliament; on the contrary, nothing but the strongest sense of duty would tempt me to enter it at present; but sometimes when I think of the gulf before us, I am almost tempted to wish myself once more in the House. A little reflection, however, soon brings me back stronger than ever for quiet and happiness. All you have seen-if, indeed, you have seen the trash which has been published-about Oxford and my connection with it, is entirely fabulous. Several prominent electors wrote offering support and urging me to stand. I declined, after thinking the matter seriously over. I know less of South Oxford than of any county west of Belleville. Were I desirous of going in I suppose I could do so by stumping the county, but I never was in the riding except at the village of Ingersoll. It is largely Hincksite, and has, I am told, nearly six hundred Roman Catholic electors. I would, however, get, besides many of the friends, a large number of Stephen Richardsand a little canvassing would, I dare say, make the thing sure enough. But I prefer keeping out. If the cabinet tumbled to pieces and I in the House-whatever I said or did the doing of it would be thrown on my shoulders. Now, I do not want them to have any excuse for failure, but to stand or fall on their merits. I sincerely hope they will not fall this session; but I hope still more earnestly that my friends in the House will not ruin themselves by giving bad votes on these questions to keep the government in office. I see John A. Macdonald is reported to have arrived by the Europa. What course he may take I do not know; but whatever he does will very much affect the reliability or weakness of the ministry. Haultain, Cockburn, and others I wot of, in the event of the conservatives pursuing a different policy than what they have done, will not hesitate to act for themselves. Howland is still here. He seemed far from ill when I saw him a week ago, but they say he is not well enough to get through the work of the session. I hope you will write me from day to day your impressions of matters. On Monday I go back to the editorial chair, and mean to keep it during the session. I will be glad if you could have an opportunity of letting me know of Lord Monck as Governor-General. It is reported that the ministry and he had some difficulty in November, and that they had placed their resignations in his hands in the full expectation of being out; but he thought better of it. The militia question is said to have been the cause of the trouble. MY DEAR But -I got your telegram, and took your advice, and I am in. Had I consented to be a candidate three days earlier there would have been no contest, or, at least, nothing worth designating a contest. the convention proceedings gave Bodwell something to talk about, and committed a great many people who regretted having to vote against me. South Oxford never was a constituency of my way of thinking exactly, and it was very gratifying to find how hearty and kind was the reception I got from men of all parties all over the riding, including those who voted against me. Not one harsh word passed during the contest; and were the fight to be gone over again to-morrow, I think we could carry it by one thousand majority. It is not true that I got all the Tory vote. The Tories in South Oxford number between six and seven hundred, including the catholics, who generally voted against me. Of the protestant Tories I got perhaps from one-half to two-thirds, but by getting them I lost as many hard old Radicals. So that while I got many votes from the conservatives, I am not indebted to them for my return. I entirely agree with you about McDougall's speech. It was the most reckless as well as the most foolish speech ever made by a man in his position. I see, too, he goes in for sectarian schools, and the whole animal generally. Well, he had better look out for another constituency than North Oxford. I regret also to hear that Ferguson Blair has accepted the Receiver-Generalship rice Morris, but it does not take me by surprise. I suppose he will get returned, but it is because no earnest reformer will oppose him under the present circumstances. I do not intend going down for ten days unless you write me that there is necessity. Ever faithfully yours, GEORGE BROWN. LETTER TO MR. HOLTON. TORONTO, June 26, 1863. MY DEAR HOLTON, -The elections are over. We have been as successful as we could hope to be, and now begins the real trouble. Were Sandfield a man of comprehensive mind and firm of purpose, all trouble would soon be overcome. But it is really sad to rejoice over victory at the polls as if we had nothing else to do but sit down and enjoy our spoils. I need not remind you that our very success in Upper Canada, and the complete rout of the old corruptionists, have rendered our future course more difficult than before. We cannot hold up the return of Sir John and Cartier as a scarecrow for those who insist on our carrying out our principles. We have men returned on qur side firmly pledged to carry out our views, and what is more, all but two oppositionists returned are as earnest as we are in claiming the same reform. The vote for representation by population will be almost unanimous on the part of Upper Canada members, and the conservatives will now be most violent in their clamours for it, when they see that the country has completely adopted it. What is to be done-look the case fairly in the face, or wait the event? The former is very difficult after what occurred in Montreal, and the latter may throw the reform party into a defensive attitude not advantageous on such a question. It is impossible to make Sandfield think or speak seriously. Your own particular troubles are in no way light, though I confess they would give me no uneasiness if I occupied your shoes I would just form my conclusions as to what was right, and carry them out firmly and boldly. Much is expected from you, and I am conscious that if you only carry out your own wellconsidered purposes, you will not go astray. I need not say that you can always rely on my sincere and earnest counsel whenever you think it worth while to ask it. An immense card, politically, would be the renewal of the United States reciprocity treaty. If you can fix that for twenty years you will give our party a hold on the farmers that would be very difficult to over-estimate. Sandfield spoke of my going down to Washington to see how the land lay. I would gladly do so were there any necessity for it, but of course you will attend to that yourself, and no doubt with as much influence as I could possibly exercise at the Washington Court. There seems less hurry about the matter now that the democratic party have had a check, but I am persuaded that President Lincoln is favourable, and while he is in power the thing should be attended to. I am strongly of opinion that you should summon parliament for the earliest possible day. Announce that it is for the Supplies and the Militia Bill alone. Push them through in ten days, and call us at the regular time-the end of January; this will give you a chance of feeling the temper of the House. It will enable you to discard troublesome matters in your Supply Bill on the score of time being needed to consider, and it will enable you to prepare your plans coolly and considerately before your session next winter. Faithfully yours, HON. L. H. HOLTON, Montreal. GEORGE BROWN. LETTER TO MR. HOLTON. TORONTO, Oct. 23, 1863. MY DEAR HOLTON,-I have this moment received your letter of yester day, and hasten to give you the reply you ask for. Of course, you are responsible for the financial steps to be taken at this moment. You and you alone will bear the burden if any error is made, and you have the credit if credit is won. It is therefore right that you should pursue the course that seems to your own mind the best; and in what I am about to write, therefore, you will understand that I am only giving you my own view of the situation at your request, and that I expect you will give it that influence, and no more, in making up your own mind, to which the arguments seem to be entitled. I understand your present inclination is to borrow from the Bank of Montreal a sufficient sum to secure your account with the English agents, and, in consideration of this accommodation, to transfer to the Bank of Montreal the government account. I admit that some advantage is to be gained from this arrangement. But on the other hand, there are very serious dangers that may arise from it. In the first place, you take from the commercial circles of the province a large portion of the capital of the Bank of Montreal that ought to be employed in developing the trade of the country. In the second place, you strike a blow at the Bank of Upper Canada that may be disastrous to that institution, and will certainly be most hurtful to the commercial interests of this section of the province. This bank is not in a condition to withstand a pressure, and a pressure will certainly come if you withdraw your government account. In turn they will press all their customers, and where that will end who can tell? I am led to believe that the board is gradually working through its difficulties, and that two years more would put it past serious trouble. If this is so, would it not be assuming a serious responsibility to take a step that may bring widespread ruin on Upper Canada? Let me add for myself, however, that I think the people of Upper Canada would have good cause to dread the accumulation of this great additional power in the hands of the directors of the Bank of Montreal. It is a Montreal institution, soul and body, and most hostile to Upper Canada interests. Its true spirit was displayed in the panic of 1857. I am persuaded that the removal of the government account to the Bank of Montreal at this moment, when the Bank of Upper Canada is struggling through its difficulties, would not only be an act of great injustice, but highly impolitic as regards the general interests of the country. It will certainly be viewed, coming from you, as a Montreal blow aimed at Upper Canada. I know well that no such feeling animates you, but assuredly this will be believed here, and it will very much surprise me if strong and excited feeling in Upper Canada does not flow from it. Frankly, the step would be a very grave one in my opinion, politically, financially, and every other way, and I would not like to have the responsibility of it on my shoulders. Nothing but absolute necessity could justify a step involving risks so serious, and I do not see the necessity. You are not responsible for the debt. No one wili blame you for borrowing to secure accounts; and certainly, under better auspices, you can easily borrow in England. I have no doubt you can make what arrangements you like with Bating and Glyns. But failing them, you could get whatever you want in London, for any length of time you wish, by hypothecating debentures on moderate terms. All the Bank of Montreal proposes is to do with the money of Canadian merchants what you can do with the money of English capitalists. From an Upper Canada point of view, I could fancy few acts on the part of the present government more suicidal. I have written you my full mind in this matter, but of course with only partial knowledge of the subject. I am persuaded, however, I have expressed what will be the strong feeling of nine-tenths of the people of Upper Canada until the contrary is known. Ever faithfully yours, GEORGE BROWN. HON. L. H. HOLTON, Montreal. LETTER TO MR. HOLTON. TORONTO, Jan. 19, 1864. MY DEAR HOLTON,-I dare say you are thinking you are not to hear from me again, and perhaps you think I am out of sorts about the bank matter; but you are wrong if such is your notion. I did think you wrong in that matter. I think so still; but it was your own affair, and had I been in your place, I would have carried out my own ideas. But I decline to discuss, for it is au fait accompli. I did not look at it from your point of view; I did not think your arguments were satisfactory. But what will it avail for us now to argue it out; the thing is done, and let it rest there. I hope Richards will be re-elected for Leeds. Knowing nothing of the constituency, I cannot say anything as to the chances. The opposition are cock-a-hoop; but the minister seeking re-election is hard to beat. I think the appointment was a very wrong one. Notman should have been Solicitor-General; failing him, Shuter Smith, or Ferguson Blair, or Mowat should have taken it, and allowed a new man, not a lawyer, to come into the cabinet. I think the appointment of Richards was not in harmony with the arrangement under which the cabinet was formed. Richards holds, and did hold, all the views of the Macdonald-Sicotte ministry. Mowat and Wallbridge were taken in to give confidence to those who did not hold those views, and Wallbridge's successor should certainly have been of like opinions. Of course there was no bargain to that effect, but I think the government would have felt the benefit of it had this been done. I am much concerned about the reciprocity treaty. It appears to me that none of us are sufficiently awake about it. I see very serious trouble ahead if notice of the repeal is given. Such a feeling will be manifested here as will determine the United States to repeal it. They will see then, if they do not now, how essential it is to our prosperity here in Canada, and what many here are prepared to do to secure its re-enactment. I do think you are taking on a very serious responsibility in not opening negotiations at Washington, as well with the committees of the House and the senate as with the executive. It would be a thousandfold easier to negotiate before notice than after; before members have committed themselves, by speech or otherwise, than afterwards, I hear we are not to meet before Valentine Day. I am sorry, though it suits me personally much better than an earlier day. But a truce to politics. Let me turn to more agreeable matters, and congratulate you heartily on the marriage of your daughter. Mr. and Mrs. Britton were here and spent an evening with us. They have all the prospects before them of as useful and happy a future as heart could wish, though it must have been a great trial to Mrs. Holton to part with her daughter. You would notice, perhaps, that Mrs. Brown had a little |