the meetings of the plenipotentiaries of the several states; and, by the same proceeding, provisions have been made to carry into execution the said custom laws.

The present constitution of the Zollverein has only preserved the old Prussian custom system in its leading ideas and principles before mentioned, which could not have been abandoned without destroying the commercial confederacy.

Another charge made against the Zollverein, is, "that it presses upon the Hanse Towns, and the other German States at the North sea coast which have not yet joined the Union, in order to force them into it." This charge has attracted the attention of those nations who are in commercial relations with those states, principally America, because she finds in the Hanse Towns, for instance, a most favorable market for her products. These towns, as well as the other small coast states, whose principal interests are commercial, impose upon products not European very moderate, or mere nominal duties, in comparison with those imposed by the Zollverein; and, from this circumstance, apprehensions were entertained that the extension of the Zollverein to the North sea would be disadvantageous to the commercial intercourse of countries not European with the Hanse Towns, &c., &c.

Such an apprehension is without foundation; because the German States at the North sea, which do not belong to the Zollverein, have scarcely one-ninth of the population of the Zollverein, and therefore are of little importance, in comparison to the latter, as principal consumer of those products. The people of the Hanse Towns, who, in the export lists published in the respective countries of exportation, appear as the principal customers, are only the speditioners for the greatest part of transatlantic products, and the real consumers are in the interior of Germany. If, therefore, the small German States on the sea coast should join the Zollverein, and the tariff of the latter should prevail, (which, however, is not to be expected,) the apprehended diminution in the consumption of foreign products, in consequence of somewhat higher duties, could possibly take place only among the small population of the said states; but, by their annexation to the Zollverein, more advantages would be secured to the said export countries, in consequence of the great development of direct commerce between them and Germany.

In order to explain this by an example, we shall draw a comparison between the commercial position of the Hanse Towns, (Hamburg, Bremen, &c.,) and the American seaport cities. The Hanse Towns are free ports, and desire to remain excluded from the commercial policy of the rest of Germany;-the American seaport cities, New York, Boston, Philadelphia, &c., are included in the general commercial policy of the United States, and have not been permitted to establish themselves as free ports. Now, we would ask, are less European goods imported in New York, and consumed in the interior of the states, because New York is no free port? Since the United States form one great commercial confederacy, they have unity of interests, have consequently power, and are able to establish a direct commerce with the whole world, whereby the American seaports gain as much as if they were free ports, and all the interior of the United States partakes of the advantages of that trade. All parts of the United States gain more, by such a harmonious union, than they

would do, if the seaport cities were allowed to carry out, with foreign nations, a policy different from that of the United States. New York imports and exports, on the whole, as much as if it was separated from the tariff system of the Union. Its natural position secures as well its commercial importance, as that of Hamburg or Bremen does. The latter would lose as little, if they were included in the German Commercial Union, as New York, by belonging to the American Commercial Union.

There is no reason or foundation for an apprehension "that the Zollverein should employ coercive means to enforce the annexation of the said coast states to the Customs Union." By what means could such a coercion take place? The only means would have been, to impose higher duties on all products entering into the Zollverein by the seaports not belonging to the Union, than on those imported by the ports of the Zollverein. But such a discrimination has never been made, although it will become more and more practicable by the extension and conclusion of the railroad net over all Germany, without any considerable injury to the consumers in the interior.

The policy of the Zollverein, in its relations to those German States who have not joined the Union, always has adhered to the principle "that the annexation should take place voluntarily, and under the reciprocal conviction of its conveniency;" because history shows us that reluctant confederates are worse than enemies, and because the disregard of that principle would only weaken the Union, and endanger its futurity.

As a proof of the liberal policy of Prussia towards the Hanse Towns, and the other German Coast States not belonging to the Zollverein, it may be stated that, at the meeting of the representatives of the Zollverein States at Carlsruhe, at the end of the last year, a memorial was presented by Prussia, of which the German newspapers have given extracts, recommending the adoption of a joint navigation act, on the part of the Zollverein States, with the above-mentioned coast states in favor of the national flag, granting equal rights to such nations, only, who are willing to act upon the principle of full reciprocity. It is further proposed, in the said memorial, to pass a law by which general differential duties are to be established in favor of all direct importations from such producing countries which are willing to grant the same advantage to importations from Germany, by vessels under the same national flag, and by vessels of the contracting state, or such other country which may be entitled to such a privilege by special treaty. The limited time of the said conference not having allowed action upon this proposition, it has been postponed to the next conference, which is expected to take place at Berlin, at an early period in the present year, where probably this national question of "opening the field to the direct commercial intercourse between Germany and the transatlantic states," will be carried into effect on principles of true reciprocity.

Art. VIII.-THE PROGRESS OF THE WEST:

CONSIDERED WITH REFERENCE TO GREAT COMMERCIAL CITIES IN THE UNITED STATES.

THE Albany Argus says, in the conclusion of an interesting article on the dependence of eastern towns on the west, for their growth—

"New York, if she wills, can still hold her present command over the western trade; but this will require immediate efforts, such as will test the energies of her merchants. He is blind who does not see that, at the present time, she is menaced by a spirit of competition on the part of wealthy, enterprising, and powerful cities, such as never before occurred in her past history. But, with an effort, she holds the game in her own hands. The western trade is a prize worthy of those who would struggle for the colossal commercial power of America. A city sustained by that trade, can never languish; for the increase of production of the western states is almost boundless. Its city must be far greater than even Alexandria or Thebes. So long as New York remains at the head of the western trade, where our state pride and her own commanding position justly place her, she must irresistibly advance in wealth, influence, and population, until she will be known not only as the great city of America, but as the great city of the world.”

Most of the positions of the Argus are sound. New York undoubtedly has it in her power to hold more of the western trade than any other eastern city; but it should be remembered that the centre of trade in this country is likely to follow the centre of population, which has already, in its westward course, reached the top of the Alleghanies. We lay it down as susceptible of demonstration, that the great city of America will be in the midst of, and not far from, the centre of the great population of America. Every man of tolerable intelligence knows that the centre is shortly to be in the great western valley. Including Canada, the North American Valley already has eleven of the twenty-one millions under the AngloSaxon dominion. This valley will have

To come to this result, we have allowed the increase for the first ten years to be 50 per cent, being nearly 24 per cent less than the increase of the western states from 1830 to 1840. After that, and down to eighty years, we have allowed 40 per cent, being 4 per cent more than the increase of the white population of all the free states, old and new, from 1830 to 1840. From eighty years down, the rate allowed for each ten years is 33 per cent, being the present rate of increase of the whole country. The Atlantic border will increase nearly as follows:From 10 millions in 10 years, at 15 per cent,.

11,500,000

66 20

Fifteen per cent increase, each decade, is allowed for the first forty years, and 10 per cent afterwards. The increase of the Atlantic states, from 1830 to 1840, was 16.3 per cent; but this included the western portion of New York, Pennsylvania, and Virginia, which are in our valley.

It is fair to presume that the Argus expected at least one hundred years to pass away before New York should become the greatest city in the world. London has now about five times as many people as New York, and. New York something less than five times the number of Cincinnati. To suppose the latter will surpass New York, is not a more extravagant ⚫anticipation than that New York will go ahead of London.

The internal exchanges of this country constitute the greatest part of the commerce even of New York, at which so large a part of our foreign commerce is carried on. The values transported on the Erie canal, alone, nearly come up to the values of all the exports of the United States. Our foreign commerce is increasing slowly; our home trade is expanding and augmenting rapidly. The latter, in all its branches, probably, now, is not less than fifteen times as great as the former. The home trade of the western valley, at the end of one hundred years, will be a trade of three hundred millions of people with each other, of the productions of their various climates, and more various industry; and also with the thirty millions on the Atlantic border. Will these three hundred millions go to New York to make their exchanges with each other? Is it even certain that half the product of the eastern slope, intended for western use, will not be brought to leading western marts for sale? or that western products intended for eastern consumption, will not be distributed from the western marts? Certainly, the three hundred millions will be backward children if they cannot make their exchanges with each other, without going eastward to the old homestead, a thousand miles out of the way.

Old ideas, whether hereditary, or the fruit of early education, are hard to eradicate or supplant. The salt sea, and commerce, and great cities, are naturally associated together in the minds of Western Europeans, and their descendants in America. As naturally is the interior of a broad continent associated, in their minds, with gloomy forests, desert prairies, and slow movements in all the channels of business. The idea of easy and rapid, and cheap movements of commercial equivalents, over the face of the continent, by means of river and lake steamers, and locomotives on railroads, with interlocking M'Adam highways and canals, is slow to enter the mind of the present generation. That land commerce has become so facile, as to compare with ocean commerce, may be acknowledged in the abstract, but its results have but just commenced a lodgment in the public mind.

If our estimate of the increase of the western valley should seem too large, let the reader reduce the aggregate, for one hundred years hence, to two hundred millions; and then, lest the Atlantic border should seem stinted in her allowance, set that section down for forty millions ;--still, our deduction, in favor of western cities, stands on a firm foundation.

We might make out a strong case for western cities, independent of the above considerations, by exhibiting the means providing for a direct foreign commerce, away from the eastern cities. Little more than one year from this time will elapse, before the completion of the locks and canals around the falls of the St. Lawrence; by means of which, the ocean commerce will be accessible from the ports of the great lakes, in vessels of 350 tons

burthen. With iron vessels, of the propeller kind, voyages to all the ports of the world may be made from the interior of our country; from Toledo, Chicago, and Fond du Lac. In the south, by means of the Mississippi, a direct intercourse may be opened from Natchez, Memphis, and Evansville; and, in high water, from St. Louis, Louisville, and Cincinnati, with the West Indies, and the extensive coasts of the Gulf and Carribean sea, carried on in iron vessels, moved by steam and sail. Are these events as improbable as, fifty years ago, would have been deemed the changes that have taken place within that period? Are improvements to make slower progress, the next fifty years, than they have during the last fifty?

Art. IX. THE SILVER MINES OF MEXICO.

AN ABRIDGMENT OF THE LAWS REGULATING THE MINES OF MEXICO.

THE laws which ruled the mines in Spain, were those which were established at Mexico, but the collection of all the documents bearing upon them had not been made; and their number, as well as their antiquity, rendering their interpretation very embarrassing, M. Gamboa issued, in the year 1761, his Commentaries, which contain, besides numerous explanations of the laws relating to the working of the mines, numerous facts, some very curious, as to the different methods of mining in Mexico. In 1743, a miner, named Reborate, thought of establishing a company, to furnish means to adventurers on terms less onerous than those generally fixed upon by merchants of the capital, who, stipu lating for no interests on their advances, had a great advantage in insisting on being reimbursed in silver, valued at between six and seven piastres the marc (the price of the money being nine piastres,) according as the duration of their outlay increased. This project was submitted to the king, and appears to have furnished subsequently the idea of a special tribunal for mines-destined, at the same time, to aid the miners with funds, arising from a tax of one real per marc on all the silver produced in Mexico, which was paid into this establishment. At the same period it was thought necessary to review all preceding decrees, and at the date of the 22d of May, 1783, the King decreed certain regulations for the government of the mines of New Spain, as it was then called. In every mining district, a special tribunal was established for that purpose, similar to some of our minor courts, deciding, without appeal, to the extent of 400 piastres, and with appeal, beyond that sum, before a superior tribu. nal, established at Mexico and Guadalaxara, under the name of the Court of Alzadas. These local courts, the members of which were nominated by the inhabitants, were, subordinate to the Tribunal General de Mineria at Mexico, and the members of which were chosen by the principal districts; the number of votes given to each shows their relative importance at this period. Guanaxuato had six, Zacatecas four, San Luis three, Pachuca and Real del Monte two; every mining district having the title of a city (cindad) had three, and those of a town (via) two only. This sort of jurisdiction had very extensive limits, not only for the settlement of lawsuits, but also for the proper administration, and the manner of exploring the mines; it also embraced the subject of roads, the conveyance of water, and the preservation of the forests; under the same authority was also placed the Mining School (Real Seminario de Mineria.) After