The first business of the Congress was to deal with the question of reparations. An appeal had recently been made to British labour by the General Federation of German Trade Unions. This appeal had received the consideration of the Joint International Committee of the Congress and the Labour Party, and the outcome was the presentation of an emergency resolution, moved by Mr. J. H. Thomas, M.P., which called for the abandonment of the occupation of the Rhine territory, urged that time and facilities for payment should be given to Germany, and appealed to the French people to give encouragement to the new Republican democracy of Germany. The vote in favour of these proposals was practically unanimous.

Sitting in private session, the Congress afterwards decided. to share with the Labour Party financial responsibility for the continued publication of the Daily Herald, which thus became the official organ of the Labour movement. Funds to meet the cost of running the paper were to be provided by an increase of the annual Congress affiliation fee to 3d. for each member.

One of the most important debates during the meeting of the Congress was on a proposal to create a Labour headquarters by extending the powers of the General Council. The resolution provided that the Council should be kept informed of all disputes by the affiliated Unions, but that it should not intervene so long as there was a prospect of the differences being amicably settled by negotiation. In the event of a breakdown, or of large bodies of workmen being involved in a stoppage of work, or a standard wage or hours or conditions of work being imperilled, it was proposed that the General Council should take the initiative by calling representatives of the Unions into consultation, and should use its influence to bring about a just settlement. The scheme further provided that where the Council intervened, and the Unions concerned accepted their assistance, and notwithstanding their efforts the policy of the employers enforced a stoppage of work by strike or lockout, the Council should organise all such moral and material support as the circumstances of the dispute justified. For this purpose the General Council should, if deemed necessary, raise funds by a call upon the affiliated Unions proportionately to membership to meet expenditure in relation to the dispute.

The report of the Council on the scheme generally showed that 73 Unions agreed with the principles of reporting to the Council and of consultation, 4 Unions were opposed to the whole scheme, and there was a majority in favour of the principle of nearly two millions. Most of the Unions who favoured the creation of a defence fund, however, made reservations to their agreement, while a still larger number of Unions refused to accept the defence fund at all. The report stated that, in view of these opinions, the most that could be provided for at the present time was that the General Council should be enabled to create an emergency fund if found necessary for the purpose

of carrying on extensive propaganda for organising resistance in connexion with any dispute in which they intervened. After considerable discussion at the Congress the previous question was moved and carried on a card vote by a large majority; the whole scheme was, therefore, shelved. The Congress closed on September 9.

In the latter half of September much anxiety was expressed with regard to the advance of the Kemalist Army in Turkey [v. Turkey], and an important statement on British policy was issued. It declared that the approach of the Kemalist Forces to Constantinople and the Dardanelles, and the demands put forward by the Angora Government, had clearly created a situation which had been continuously under the attention of His Majesty's Government for some days past. These demands, if assented to, involved nothing less than the entire loss of the whole results of the victory over Turkey in the late war. The channel of deep salt water that separated Europe from Asia and united the Mediterranean and the Black Sea, affected world interests, European interests and British interests of the first order. The British Government regarded the effective and permanent freedom of the Straits as a vital necessity, for the sake of which they were prepared to make exertions. They had learnt with great satisfaction that, in this respect, their views were shared by France and Italy.

The question of Constantinople, the statement continued, stood somewhat differently. For more than two years it had been decided that the Turks should not be deprived of Constantinople, and in January, 1921, the representatives of the Constantinople and Angora Turkish Governments had been informed of the intention of the Allies to restore Constantinople to the Turks subject to other matters being satisfactorily adjusted. The wish of the British Government was that a conference should be held as speedily as possible in any place generally acceptable to the other Powers involved, at which a resolute and sustained effort should be made to secure a stable peace with Turkey. But such a conference could not embark upon its labours while there was any question of the Kemalist forces attacking the neutral zones by which Constantinople, the Bosphorus, and the Dardanelles were now protected. The British and French Governments had instructed their High Commissioners at Constantinople to notify the Angora Government that these neutral zones must be respected. futile, however, to trust simply to diplomatic action; adequate force must be available to defend the line between Europe and Asia against a violent and hostile Turkish aggression. That the Allies should be driven out of Constantinople by the forces of Mustapha Kemal would be an event of the most disastrous character, producing far-reaching reactions throughout all Moslem countries and throughout all the States defeated in the late war. Moreover, the reappearance of the victorious Turk

It was

on the European shore would provoke a situation of the gravest character throughout the Balkans, and very likely lead to bloodshed on a large scale. It was the duty of the Allies, therefore, to prevent this great danger, and His Majesty's Government were prepared to bear their part in the matter. The Government were also addressing themselves to the three Balkan Powers with a view to their taking part in the effective defence of the neutral zone. The Dominions had likewise been placed in possession of the facts and invited to send contingents in the defence of interests for which they had already made enormous sacrifices. Finally the statement announced the intention of the Government to reinforce immediately the troops at the disposal of Sir Charles Harington, the Allied Commanderin-Chief at Constantinople, and orders had been given to the British Fleet in the Mediterranean to oppose, by every means, any infraction of the neutral zones by the Turks, or any attempt by them to cross to the European shore.

The immediate result of this semi-official statement was a diplomatic remonstrance from France upon the enunciation of an apparently bellicose policy without previous consultation with the French Government. At the same time Ministers were somewhat surprised to hear of the withdrawal of the French troops which had recently been sent to Chanak on the Dardanelles, and it began to appear very doubtful whether a common policy could be arranged between the Allies. This apprehension was, however, removed as the result of a visit by Lord Curzon to Paris at which complete agreement was arrived at with the French Government. It was decided that a note of invitation to attend a Peace Conference should be sent to Mustapha Kemal. The note was favourable to the Turkish claim to Thrace, but the Angora Government was required to undertake not to send, either before or during the conference, troops into the zone which had been declared provisionally neutral, and not to cross the Straits or the Sea of Marmora. The delimitation of this zone was to be fixed by the Allied Generals in agreement with the Turkish and Greek authorities. before the conference. The Allied Governments proposed that in the peace the liberty of the Dardanelles, the Sea of Marmora and the Bosphorus, as also the protection of minorities of races. and religions, should be assured efficaciously under the auspices of the League of Nations. On these conditions the three Allied Governments-Great Britain, France, and Italy-undertook to support the admission of Turkey to the League of Nations.

On September 27 the news arrived of the revolution in Greece and the abdication of King Constantine. The position was further complicated by the refusal of Mustapha Kemal to withdraw from the neutral zone by the evasive excuse that he had no knowledge of a neutral zone. British Ministers thereupon requested General Harington to secure a personal interview with Mustapha Kemal in order to concert measures for the

avoidance of a collision. General Harington sent a note in accordance with this instruction, and received a reply from Mustapha Kemal, who undertook to move no further troops into the neutral zone, and expressed a wish to meet General Harington at the earliest opportunity. At the end of September war was hanging in the balance. General Harington sent a demand to the Kemalist forces to evacuate the neutral zone, and though no time-limit was fixed the demand was regarded as an ultimatum. The British Cabinet despatched an urgent telegram to General Harington assuring him of the full support of the Government in any action he might undertake to secure the withdrawal of the Turks, and it was generally believed that war was imminent.

CHAPTER IV.

THE FALL OF THE COALITION.

AT the end of September the majority of Ministers were of opinion that a conflict with the Turks was inevitable, and at Cabinet meetings they were believed to have advocated the adoption of forcible measures by Sir Charles Harington against the Turks in the neutral zone. The feeling in the country against war was so strong, however, that the Government determined to exhaust every possible method of averting the threatened catastrophe, and Sir Charles Harington was given an entirely free hand in his efforts to promote a peaceful arrangement. The Labour Party were especially vigorous in their protests against war. As early as September 21 the Labour Leaders had had an interview with the Prime Minister on the subject, the result of which was not published. This interview was followed by strong speeches in various parts of the country, which at least served to bring out the fact that the nation was strongly opposed to war if war by any means could be prevented.

The diplomatic efforts of Sir Charles Harington soon began to bear fruit, for at the beginning of October the Turks withdrew from certain points on the Dardanelles and their bearing became less disquieting. On October 2 the Liberal Party leaders-Mr. Asquith, Lord Grey of Fallodon, Lord Crewe, Lord Gladstone, and Sir Donald Maclean-had a meeting and issued a unanimous statement urging that every support be given to a policy pursued in concert with our Allies to secure the freedom of the Straits, but declaring that more than once since September 12 the Government had contemplated separate action which would have committed the country to war. The Liberal leaders expressed their conviction that the nation would rightly condemn such action and refuse to support it.

On October 3 Sir Charles Harington met the Turkish leaders

at Mudana, as recorded elsewhere [v. Turkey]. Ismet Pasha demanded an almost immediate Turkish occupation of Eastern Thrace, and the establishment there of a Turkish administration. uncontrolled by the Allies. The attitude of the French General was less definite, though it appeared that he felt unable to support Sir Charles Harington. In these circumstances the Allied Generals returned to Constantinople to consult their Governments. Sir Charles Harington sent a despatch to London, the result of which was that Lord Curzon left London for Paris on October 6 for the purpose of ascertaining definitely whether or not the French Government adhered fully to the terms of the joint Allied Note of September 23 to the Angora Government. Lord Curzon succeeded in reaching an agreement with M. Poincaré, according to which Allied co-operation was maintained in harmony with the Note of September 23, including the occupation of the neutral zones and of Constantinople during the Peace Conference. The Allies agreed that Eastern Thrace should be evacuated by the Greek troops as early as possible, and that for one month after the evacuation the control of Eastern Thrace should be in Allied hands. Subsequently a Turkish civil administration with Turkish gendarmerie would be established, but the Turkish military occupation would not take place until peace was signed. Owing to the united front which the Allied representatives were thus able to present, the Turkish General signed the Convention at Mudana in the early morning of October 11, thus accepting the demands which were made upon him. The Convention stipulated that the Turks should respect a neutral zone consistent with the safety of the Allied troops and the freedom of the Straits. It provided for the evacuation of Thrace by the Greek Army within fifteen days, and agreed that the Allied forces, which would provisionally replace the Greeks, should not exceed seven battalions. The Turks were called upon not to transport troops to Eastern Thrace, nor to raise or maintain an army there until after the ratification of the Peace Treaty. With this agreement the

threat of immediate war passed away.

In Ireland the postal strike came to an end at the beginning of October. On October 4 the Provisional Government issued an important proclamation offering full amnesty and pardon to all rebels who surrendered their arms to the National Forces on or before October 15. It appeared that the Government had been encouraged to make this order on account of the increasing unpopularity of the rebellion in Southern Ireland. The proclamation coincided with the announcement of the most striking victory which the National troops had yet achieved in the most difficult theatre of the war. Four days previously the Irregulars, emboldened by a series of recent successes, had made a strong attack on the National garrison at Killorglin in Kerry, and had been repulsed with heavy loss. A garrison of sixty soldiers withstood for twenty-seven hours an attack by at least 500 well