Appended to this Convention, as it appears in the Final Act, are three additional Articles in the form of a final disposition.

IV. Three declarations

I. "The undersigned, as plenipotentiary delegates at the International Peace Conference, duly authorised by their Governments to this effect, inspired by the sentiments which found expression in the declaration of St. Petersburg of December 11th (November 29th, O.S.), 1868, and taking into consideration the final clause of that declaration, hereby declare that the contracting parties prohibit, for a period of five years, the throwing of projectiles or explosives from balloons or by other new analogous means.

II. "The undersigned, as plenipotentiary delegates, etc., hereby declare that the contracting parties prohibit the use of projectiles which have for the sole object the diffusion of asphyxiating or deleterious gases.

III. “The undersigned, as plenipotentiary delegates, etc., hereby declare that the contracting parties prohibit the use of bullets which expand or flatten easily in the human body, as, for instance, bullets with a hard case which case does not cover the whole of the enclosed mass, or contains incisions."

Obedient to the same inspiration, the Conference also unanimously adopted the following resolution:

"The Conference considers that the limitation of military charges at the present time weighing upon the world is greatly to be desired for the increase of the material and moral welfare of humanity."

It also expressed the following opinions (vaux) dealing mainly with the suggestions in the Russian programme which it was found impossible to embody in definite Conventions:

I. The Conference, taking into consideration the preliminary steps taken by the Swiss Federal Government for the revision of the Geneva Convention, expresses the wish that a special Conference be shortly convened for the purpose of revising this Convention.

II. The Conference expresses the opinion that the question of the rights and duties of neutrals should be inscribed on the programme of a Conference to be held at an early date.

III. The Conference expresses the opinion that questions relative to the type and the calibre of rifles and naval artillery, such as have been examined by it, should be the subject of study by the different Governments, with a view to arriving eventually at a uniform solution by means of a further Conference.

IV. The Conference is of opinion that the Governments, taking into account the proposals made in the Conference, should make a study of the possibility of an agreement concerning the limitation of armed forces on land and sea, and of naval budgets.

V. The Conference is of opinion that the proposal tending to declare the inviolability of private property in war at sea should be remitted to the consideration of a future Conference.

VI. The Conference is of opinion that the proposal regulating the question of the bombardment of ports, towns, and villages by a naval force should be remitted to the consideration of a future Conference.

The following is the text of the additional protocol appended to the Final Act, and fixing December 31st, 1899, as the latest date by which the Governments represented at the Conference are to give in their adhesion.

ADDITIONAL PROTOCOL TO THE FINAL ACT.

Considering that a certain number of the Governments represented at the Peace Conference have not yet found themselves able to sign the Conventions and declarations, the text of which has been fixed by the Conference, the undersigned, as plenipotentiary delegates, at the moment of proceeding to sign the Final Act, have agreed as follows:-The Conventions and declarations, the text of which is annexed to the Final Act, can be signed by the Governments represented at the Conference, either at once or at a future date, but at the latest by December 31st, 1899. After

December 31st, 1899, adhesion to the Conventions can be made in conformity with the final dispositions of the aforesaid Conventions. Adhesion to the declarations can be made by means of a notification addressed to the Government of the Netherlands and communicated by it to all the Governments who have signed the declaration.

This "Final Act was signed by the delegates of all the Powers on the morning of the 29th July, 1899.

THE FINAL SITTING.

The last session took place in the afternoon of the same day, July 29th, and lasted about half-an-hour. The President delivered his closing address, in which he expressed the thanks of the Conference to the Queen of the Netherlands and the Dutch Government, to the Chairmen and reporters of the various Committees and sub-Committees, and other officers, and also in appropriate terms his appreciation of the work of the Conference. A letter, dated May 29th, was read, from the Pope to the Queen of the Netherlands, giving assurance of his "warm sympathy" with the Conference. Count von Münster expressed the thanks of the Conference to M. de Staal and M. van Karnebeek; and Baron D'Estournelles made a final speech, in which he anticipated "future meetings of the Parliament of Man."

It was also announced that sixteen States had already signed the Arbitration Convention (including France, Russia, and the United States-Great Britain signed a few days later), fifteen the other two Conventions, seventeen the first declaration (projectiles from balloons), sixteen the second (asphyxiating shells), and fifteen the third (expanding bullets).

M. de Staal closed the Conference by tapping on his desk with his hammer, and uttering the words "Messieurs, la séance est levée."

1

RESULTS OF THE PEACE CONFERENCE AT

THE HAGUE.

The success of the Conference cannot yet be fully gauged; but that it was successful beyond all anticipation does not admit of question. It was in fact the opening of a new era for mankind. The adoption of the Arbitration Scheme was in itself an epoch-making event. But that was not its only, though it may be considered its main, result.

If that crowning success had not been achieved, and the Conference were to be judged alone by what may be termed its minor, or auxiliary, work, it would still have proved itself fruitful and useful, and worthy the effort of the Russian Emperor.

The meeting of this diplomatic body marks a stage, and is a distinct step forward, in the historical development of the world. It is mainly significant because of its place in history, and for what it renders possible and, according to human probability, certain, rather than for what it actually accomplished. The Edinburgh Review very truly observes that "justice is not done to the labours of the Peace Conference, their significance is not understood until we recognise that they continue a process of development which has long been going on, and that they are one of the many steps taken of late towards extending, systematising, and organising Arbitrations in disputes between nations," and so of preparing and originating the new and better order of International Society.

It may be true, as was affirmed, that after the Hague gathering every nation will go on exactly as it did before it, making just what provision it thinks needful for war, aggressive or defensive. But the world will not be in the same condition as if the Hague Conference had never met.

For the nations have, with a surprising accord, resolved to make use, for the common benefit, of all the experience obtained by several of them in the series of efforts previously made toward the settlement of disputes by pacific methods. And the agree

ment to which their expert representatives have come for the establishment of a permanent machinery, to be always available for that object, puts the whole of civilised mankind, in a very recal sense, on a level of potential advantage with those who have led the way in this great forward movement of humanity. No one supposes that war is abolished. But the Hague Conference has at least succeeded in interposing new obstacles in the way of its commencement, and in "extending, systematising, and organising" the influences for making peace.

It thus "marks," as Ambassador White said of it, "the first stage of the abolition of the scourge of war." It justifies the statement of M. Bourgeois in his great speech in the Conference itself. "There are certain persons," said he, "ignorant of the power of the idea, who pretend that what the Conference has done is very little." He, however, avowed his conviction that it was only when the Conference was dissolved, and they were able to contemplate its work from a distance, they would understand the immense value of the progress which had been achieved.

THE IMPERIAL RESCRIPT.

The publication of the remarkable document in which the Emperor issued his invitation, was alone an event of immense significance.

1.—It begins by recognising an imperative ideal of Government, and declaring that it consists in the maintenance of general Peace and the reduction of armaments.

2. It makes not only a distinct admission but a formal confession of the absolute failure of the policy adopted by Europe for at least a century, upon which the fabric of modern society is built, viz., that which is expressed in the maxim so loudly acclaimed, and still so confidently asserted, Si vis pacem, para bellum.

3. It contains a scathing and startling impeachment of the military system, and an accurate description of its terrible results