Page images
PDF
EPUB

288

PUBLIC DOCUMENTS AND STATE PAPERS. [1864.

the considerations under the influence of which the Emperor of Russia has resolved to transfer the eventual rights of the elder branch of Holstein-Gottorp, of which he is the Chief, to the younger branch, represented by Monseigneur the Grand Duke of Oldenburg. reserved to this Sovereign to establish His Majesty has their joint titles, whenever he may consider that the moment for it should have arrived. As a member of the Germanic Confederation, that Prince would be called on to assert his claims himself in the legal course, before the Federal authority on which he depends. The Emperor of Russia will remain unconcerned in this suit. He is henceforward free from any direct intervention in a question of contested Succession in Holstein-a question which he is not anxious to complicate. Far from wishing to aggravate the difficulties which may retard the re-establishment of peace, His Majesty seeks to diminish them.

The Plenipotentiary of Russia, after having explained these views, by order of the Emperor, added :

"I congratulate myself on having been called upon to express, as I have just done, the sentiments of His Majesty, in depositing the Protocol of Warsaw of the year 1851, among the archives of the Conference. That document has given rise, more than once, to false interpretations. They will be contradicted by the publicity which the declaration I have just made in the name of the Emperor will not fail to acquire. The spirit of conciliation which presides over His Majesty's policy will then be generally known, as it has been unanimously appreciated to-day by all the members of the Conference."

Already the task confided to its care ran the risk of being rudely interrupted by the sudden resumption of hostilities. arrived at the 6th of June. There reWe had mained only six days up to the term fixed for the duration of the truce. It was with hesitation that the Danish Cabinet decided to prolong it. At the reiterated request of the Plenipotentiaries of the neutral Powers, they ended by consenting to it. But they limited this prolongation to a fortnight.

Austria and Prussia, on their side, felt extreme repugnance to accepting a truce of such short duration, when they had proposed the conclusion of an armistice of several months.

After discussions, the record of which we abridge, it was agreed to suspend hostilities till the 26th of June. Clearly, this period was insufficient to leave to the Conference the necessary means of accomplishing its task successfully.

The Protocols of the 6th and 9th of

June attest the perseverance of the efforts employed to obtain the consent of the Danish Government to a cessation of arms of a longer duration.

In order to explain the refusal repeatedly pronounced by order of his Court, M. de Quaade declared more than once that it could not consent to a prolongation of the suspension of hostilities unless there should appear to be a fair probability of agreement upon a point so vital as that of the frontier.

This particular question has formed from that time the main subject of discussion. It has been discussed not only in Conference, but in meetings held confidentially by the Plenipotentiaries of the neutral Powers, both with the Representatives of Denmark and with those of the Germanic Powers.

These frequent deliberations, prolonged and directed by a feeling of sincere friendliness, have had for their object to bring about a desirable reconciliation between the two parties.

We will indicate briefly the results of this attempt at conciliation.

by the Danish Government had been The first line of demarcation adopted traced from Eckernförde to Friedrichstadt, a little to the south of the line proposed on the 28th of May by the Plenipotentiaries of Great Britain. It was only at a later period that the Representatives of Denmark were authorized to adhere to the line of the Schlei and the Dannewerke. They stopped there, their instructions not permitting them to entertain any other arrangement whatever.

The first line of demarcation put forward by the Plenipotentiaries of Prussia and Austria was traced from Apenrade to Tonder. Nevertheless, Count Bernstorff, wishing to give a proof of his desire for conciliation, declared his readiness to recommend to his Government a second line which should be drawn from a point to the north of Flensburg, and would terminate to the north of Tonder at Hoyer. This second line would have had the advantage of leaving the Danish Government in possession of the island of Al

sen.

Count Apponyi did not at first consider himself authorized to adopt the second permission to do so. line. Subsequently, however, he obtained The Protocol No. 9, however, states that this second line which Count Bernstorff had recommended to his Government was not definitely adopted, "because hitherto no steps had been taken on the other side to meet the German proposals."

This consideration decided the Plenipotentiaries of Austria and Prussia to

recur finally to their first line traced from Apenrade to Tonder, and this proposition forms the extreme limit at which they have finally taken their stand.

In this state of things there remained between the two lines-the one Danish and the other German-an intermediate territory in dispute, and it was not in the power of the Plenipotentiaries of the neutral Powers to induce either one or the other of the two parties to advance a single step towards an equitable arrangement.

Such was the situation on the 18th of June. One half of the period granted by the Danish Government for the suspension of arms had elapsed. There remained but a space of eight days to accomplish the work of peace confided to the Conference. Wishing to persevere in this task without permitting themselves to be discouraged by the obstacles which they encountered at every step, the Government of Her Britannic Majesty resolved upon a last attempt at conciliation.

In suggesting this arrangement, Lord Russell conformed to a desire earnestly expressed at the Congress of Paris in the interest of the maintenance of a general peace. This desire, enunciated on the 14th of April, 1856, had for its object to recommend to the Cabinets, in the event of a serious misunderstanding, to have recourse to the good offices of a friendly State before appealing to force.

In making himself the organ of this proposition, Lord Russell expressed himself in the following terms, which we quote verbally:

"Now that the principal question in dispute has been reduced to the tracing a frontier some miles more or less to the north, when the two belligerent parties have brilliantly sustained the honour of their arms, and when the renewal of hostilities would produce a new series of calamities, disastrous to humanity, and unworthy of the civilization of our age, the Plenipotentiaries of Great Britain think it their bounden duty to propose to the belligerent Powers, namely, to Austria, to Prussia, and to Denmark, that a friendly Power should be appealed to, in order that a line of frontier may be traced, which should neither pass to the south of the line indicated by Denmark, nor to the north of that designated by the German Plenipotentiaries."

The Plenipotentiaries of the belligerent Powers, being without special instructions, took this proposition ad referendum.

The Earl of Clarendon thought proper to explain its meaning, so as to prevent any misunderstanding. With this object, he said, "that he did not admit the interpretation of M. de Krieger that the Decla

ration of the Congress of Paris is not applicable unless an appeal is also to be made to the mediating Power with regard to all the questions in dispute. The disputed territory and the frontier are alone. in question. The intention of the English Plenipotentiaries is to propose that the question of the territory between the two lines pointed out should be submitted to the arbitration of a friendly Power, the belligerent Powers engaging to accept its decision as final.

In the same sitting the Plenipotentiaries of Prussia demanded that the inhabitants of Schleswig should be consulted upon the arrangements to be adopted with regard to them, and that the fate of a part or of the whole of those populations should not be decided without their wishes being first properly declared.

This project gave rise to a discussion which the Plenipotentiary of Russia summed up in these terms:

"In this meeting we sometimes choose divergent paths in order to arrive at an object which is common to us all: I mean the restoration of peace. The proposal which the Plenipotentiaries of Prussia have just made with this object has not met with an unanimous assent in the Conference. The Plenipotentiaries of the Court of Austria have stated how far their views differ from those of Prussia. The Plenipotentiaries of Great Britain have pronounced their dissent in a manner still more formal. I have been compelled to express myself in the same spirit. The Ambassador of France has limited the question to the mixed districts, without extending it beyond them. The Minister of Sweden and Norway has been unwilling to prejudge in this respect the intentions of the Plenipotentiaries of Denmark. Their reply is decisive. It declines the Prussian proposal, which is supported by the Plenipotentiary of the Germanic Confederation alone. The result of this deliberation proves that the manner of solution indicated by the Court of Prussia has not secured the united suffrages of the Conference."

The Conference assembled on the 22nd of June, to hear the decisions which the belligerent Powers had taken upon the proposal made by the Government of her Britannic Majesty with the view of calling on a friendly Power to settle the question of boundary, which was now the principal difficulty that delayed the specific solution of the dispute.

The reply of the belligerent Powers did not respond to the wishes of the Govern ment of Her Britannic Majesty. Austria and Prussia, "while showing themselves disposed to accept the mediation of a

T

290 PUBLIC DOCUMENTS AND STATE PAPERS. [1864.

neutral Power not represented in the
Conference, were not willing to engage
beforehand to consider themselves definitely
bound by the opinion which might be
expressed by the mediating Power, as cir-
cumstances did not allow them to accept
an arbitrative decision."

The Danish Government expressed a
refusal even more decided. They declared
that, to their great regret, it was im-
possible for them to give their consent to
the proposal of the English Cabinet.

The Plenipotentiary of Denmark explained this refusal by the necessity which obliged him to regard the boundary proposed on the 28th of May as final, so as not to allow him to agree to an arbitrative decision which might modify that line.

Lord Clarendon combated this opinion. While representing facts in their real light, he showed that the line indicated on the 28th of May had been proposed in the interest of Denmark and of peace, and not with the intention of laying down a principle from which there could be no departure.

The Plenipotentiary of Russia concurred in the opinion of Lord Clarendon. He affirmed that Lord Russell never intended to propose this line as an ultimatum, nor to impose it as such on the belligerent Powers.

The Ambassador of France and the Minister of Sweden expressed themselves in the same sense.

All the combinations brought forward to arrive at an agreement on the line of the frontier having unfortunately been rejected, the Prince de la Tour d'Auvergne thought fit to lay before the Conference a new proposal. He said,

[ocr errors]

When the Government of the Emperor gave their adhesion to the plan of arrangement proposed by Her Britannic Majesty's Principal Secretary of State, in the sitting of the 28th of May, they hoped that the united efforts of the Plenipotentiaries of the neutral Powers, seconded by the conciliatory disposition of the Plenipotentiaries of the belligerent Powers, would succeed in bringing about between the interested parties an understanding as to the tracing of the line of frontier.

"These hopes have unfortunately not been realized. All the arrangements proposed have been rejected, and no compromise seems as yet to have any chance of being accepted. In this position of affairs, the Government of the Emperor consider it their duty to make in the interests of

peace a final suggestion. It is in virtue of their nationality that the northern districts of Schleswig are to be assigned to Denmark, and those of the south to Germany. It has not been thought expedient to make an appeal to the wishes of the population where those wishes seem to be manifest; but they might be consulted where they are doubtful, and where no other means exist for establishing an agreement. Whilst admitting the impossibility of taking nationality as an absolute rule in the division of the mixed districts of Schleswig, the Government of the Emperor are, however, of opinion that it would be right to obtain, by means of a vote of the communes, the elements of appreciation on which it should be agreed to base a decision. This vote by communes would allow the most exact account to be taken of each nationality in the definitive tracing of the frontier.

"In order that it might offer in other respects the guarantees desired, it would be well to stipulate that all military forces should previously be withdrawn, and that the votes should be given free from all pressure. Each Power might, moreover, send delegates to the spot, in order to ensure the perfect impartiality of the scrutiny.

[ocr errors]

Lord Russell, in asking the opinion of the Danish Plenipotentiaries on this proposal, said that, as regarded the English Plenipotentiaries, they would be disposed to concur if the Danish Government thought proper to give their adhesion.

M. de Quaade replied that he was of course without instructions on the subject, and that he could not even consent to accept it ad referendum. He alluded to his declaration of the 2nd of June, in which he said that his Government would make great sacrifices in order to obtain the restoration of peace, but that there were limits beyond which they could not go, and his instructions forbade him to consent to any other line than that proposed by the English Plenipotentiaries in the sitting of the 28th of May, and accepted by Denmark.

This declaration ended the debate. showed at the same time the obstacle It which the most persevering efforts of the neutral Powers have not been able to overcome.

It is before this insurmountable difficulty that the labours of the Conference of London have come to an end.

II.

CORRESPONDENCE RELATIVE TO A MEETING AT QUEBEC OF DELEGATES APPOINTED TO DISCUSS THE PROPOSED UNION OF THE BRITISH NORTH AMERICAN PROVINCES.

(From Papers presented to both Houses of Parliament.)

Copy of a Despatch from Viscount
Monck to the Right Hon. Edward
Cardwell, M.P.

Sir,

Quebec, September 23, 1864.

I have the honour to transmit a copy of an approved Minute of the Executive Council of Canada, requesting me to invite the Governments of Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, Prince Edward Island, and Newfoundland, to send Representatives to a conference with the Ministers of Canada, at Quebec, to be held for the purpose of considering the question of the Union of these Provinces, and to digest a practical plan for the realization of the idea which should be submitted for your approval.

The desire for a closer union amongst these Colonies than has hitherto existed appears to be very generally felt both in Canada and in the Lower Provinces.

It appears to me that the mode of proceeding suggested in this Minute is the only one in which the views entertained by the leading politicians of the British North American Colonies on this important subject can be brought intelligibly and in a practical form before your attention.

This course is also, I think, that which was pointed out by the Duke of Newcastle in his Despatch to Lord Mulgrave (Nova Scotia, No. 182), of July 6, 1862, transmitted to me for my information on the same day, as that which ought to be pursued in the circumstances.

I have therefore had no hesitation in complying with the request of my Executive Council, and I have addressed identical communications, of which I enclose a copy, to the Lieutenant-Governors of Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, and Prince Edward Island, and to the Governor of Newfoundland, inviting them to nominate deputations to represent these respective Provinces at the proposed Conference.

[blocks in formation]

Copy of a Report of a Committee of the Executive Council, approved by his Excellency the Governor-General on September 23, 1864.

The Committee of Council has the honour to inform your Excellency that the deputation from the Executive Council who met the delegates from the Maritime Provinces at Charlottetown on the 1st instant, in accordance with the Order in Council of the 29th ultimo, have reported that such Conference duly met, and that the question of a Confederation of the British North American Colonies was discussed at length, and such progress made that it was thought desirable by the Conference that the subject should be resumed in a formal and official manner under the authority of the Governments of the several Provinces.

The Committee have therefore the honour to advise and submit for your Excellency's approval that the several Governments of Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, Prince Edward Island, and Newfoundland, be invited to appoint Delegates, under the authority of the Despatch of the Secretary for the Colonies to the Lieutenant-Governor of Nova Scotia, dated July 6, 1862, and communicated by the Colonial Office to your Excellency by a Despatch of the same date, to confer with the Canadian Government on the subject of a Union or Federation of the British North American Provinces.

The Committee beg leave further to recommend that Quebec be selected as the place, and the 10th of October next the time for the meeting, as they have ascertained that such time and place will meet the views and convenience of the several Governments.

Certified,

W. H. LEE,

Clerk of the Executive Council.

Lord Monck to Governor of Lower Provinces.

Quebec, September 23, 1864.

Sir, I have the honour to transmit a copy of an approved Minute of the Exe

cutive Council of Canada respecting the proposal to hold a Conference of Delegates from the Colonies of Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, Prince Edward Island, and Newfoundland, with the Ministers of Canada, to consider the question of a Union of these Colonies, and to digest a scheme for the practical realization of the idea which may be submitted as embodying the joint opinions of the Governments of the several Provinces to the Secretary of State for the Colonies, with a view to obtaining his sanction for legislation on the subject.

In conformity with the request contained in this Minute, I have the honour to invite you to name a deputation to represent your Province in the approaching Conference, which will meet at Quebec on the 10th of October.

I have, &c.
(Signed) MONCK.

The Lieutenant-Governors of Nova
Scotia, New Brunswick, Prince Ed-
ward Island, and the Governor of
Newfoundland.

Copy of a Despatch from the Right Hon. Edward Cardwell, M.P., to Viscount Monck.

Downing-street, October 14, 1864. My Lord,

I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of your Lordship's Despatch, No. 135, of the 23rd of September, reporting that you had invited the Lieutenant-Governors of Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, and Prince Edward Island, together with the Governor of Newfoundland, to send Delegates to Quebec, to attend a Conference on the subject of the proposed Union of the British North American Provinces.

I approve of the course which your Lordship has taken in this matter. I have, &c.

(Signed) EDWARD CARDWELL. Governor-General Viscount Monck, &c. &c.

&c.

[blocks in formation]

New Brunswick, and Prince Edward Is land, and the Governor of Newfoundland, to send Representatives to confer with the Members of the Canadian Government on the feasibility of effecting a Union between the Colonies of British North America, and to my Despatches of the 14th October (No. 151) and 2nd November (No. 165), in which I enclosed to you the answers received to that invitation, I have the honour to report that the several gentlemen named in the communications above referred to as Representatives of those Colonies respectively arrived at Quebec on Monday the 10th October, the day named for the assembling of the Conference.

They immediately proceeded to the consideration of the important question, the discussion of which constituted the object of their meeting, having appointed Sir Etienne Taché, Prime Minister of Canada, as chairman to preside over their deliberations.

Their sittings began on the 10th of October, and continued de die in diem until the 28th of the same month.

I have now the honour to transmit the Resolutions agreed to by the Conference, for which I would ask the favourable consideration of yourself and Her Majesty's Government.

I may state that an extended intercourse with the Members of the Conference enables me to assure you that they were one and all actuated by the strongest feelings of loyalty to the Queen, the most earnest desire to maintain the connexion with England, and the wish to make the proposed Union work so as to strengthen that connexion by enabling the Provinces to take upon themselves more largely the responsibilities of a self-governing community.

I do not enter into any arguments to prove that a consolidation of these Provinces is desirable, if it can be effected on principles which will give guarantees for strength and durability.

The advantages of a well-considered plan of Union, whether looked at from the point of administration, commerce, or defence, appear to me so obvious that it would be a waste of time to state them; and the fact that the most eminent public men of all the Provinces concur in desiring such a Union, appears to me to go a long way in superseding the necessity for any abstract arguments in its favour.

The plan which has been adopted by the Conference you will observe is the Union

1 These two Despatches merely reported the names of some of the Delegates, and the expected time of their meeting.

« PreviousContinue »