platform for the campaign.* The whig party at the time they nominated Mr. Clay at Baltimore, on

*Resolved, That the Federal Government is one of limited powers, derived solely from the Constitution, and the grants of power shown therein, ought to be strictly construed by all the departments and agents of the Government, and that it is inexpedient and dangerous to exercise doubtful constitutional powers.

2. That the Constitution does not confer upon the Federal Govern ment the power to commence and carry on a general system of interna improvement.

3. That the Constitution does not confer authority upon the Federal Government, directly or indirectly, to assume the debts of the several States contracted for local or internal improvements, or other state purposes, nor would such assumption be just and expedient.

4. That justice and sound policy forbid the Federal Government to foster one branch of industry to the detriment of another, or to cherish the interests of one portion to the injury of another portion of our common country; that every citizen of the country has a right to demand and insist upon an equality of rights and privileges, and to compel an ample protection of persons and property from domestic violence and foreign aggression.

5. That it is the duty of every branch of the Government to enforce and practise the most rigid economy in conducting our public affairs, and that no more revenue ought to be raised than is required to defray the necessary expenses of the Government.

6. That Congress has no power to charter a national bank; that we believe such an institution one of deadly hostility to the best interests of the country, dangerous to our republican institutions and the liberties of the people, and calculated to place the business of the country within the control of a concentrated money power, and above the laws and will of the people.

7. That Congress has no power, under the Constitution, to interfere with or control the domestic institutions of the several States, and that such States are the sole and proper judges of every thing appertaining to their own affairs, not prohibited by the Constitution; that all efforts of the abolitionists or others, made to induce Congress to interfere with the question of slavery, or take incipient steps in relation thereto, are calculated to lead to the most alarming and dangerous consequences, and that all such efforts have an inevitable tendency to diminish the happiness of the people and endanger the stability and permanency of the Union, and ought not to be countenanced by any friend to our political institutions.

the 1st of May, 1844, adopted certain resolutions.*

The struggle was fiercely contested, and almost every expedient was resorted to for the purpose of winning votes. The friends of both the candidates

8. That the separation of the moneys of the government from banking institutions is indispensable for the safety of the funds of the government, and the rights of the people.

Resolved, That the proceeds of the public lands ought to be sacredly applied to the national objects specified in the Constitution; and that we are opposed to the law lately adopted, and to any law for the distribution of such proceeds among the States, as alike inexpedient in policy and repugnant to the Constitution.

Resolutions were also adopted against taking from the President the right of exercising the veto power; and proclaiming our title to the whole of the territory of Oregon and against surrendering any portion of it to Great Britain, and also in favor of the annexation of Texas.

Mr. Benjamin F. Butler was chairman of the committee who reported the resolutions.

*The Whig Convention assembled at Baltimore, May 1st, 1844. Hon. Ambrose Spencer, of New-York, was appointed President. Henry Clay was nominated for the Presidency, and Theodore Frelinghuysen for the Vice Presidency.

The following resolutions were unanimously adopted at the Whig Convention of May, 1844.

“Resolved, That in presenting to the country the names of Henry Clay for President, and Theodore Frelinghuysen for Vice President, the convention is actuated by the conviction that all the great principles of the whig party-principles inseparable from the public honor and prosperity-will be maintained and advanced by the election of these candidates.

"Resolved, That these principles may be summed as comprising a well regulated national currency, a tariff for revenue to defray the necessary expenses of the government, and discriminating with special reference to the protection of the domestic labor of the country, the distribution of the proceeds from the sales of the public lands, a single term for the Presidency, a reform of executive usurpations, and generally such an administration of the affairs of the country as shall impart to every branch of the public service the greatest practicable efficiency, controlled by a well regulated and wise economy."

were conndent of success, and were animated with the greatest ardor and enthusiasm. The result was the election of Messrs. Polk and Dallas to the Presidency and Vice Presidency of the United States, by a majority of sixty-five electoral votes.*

On the 4th of March, 1845, the President elect of the United States delivered his Inaugural Address in the presence of the assembled representatives of the American people, the Supreme Court of the United States, the diplomatic corps, and an

immense concourse of spectators, and took the oath of office, which was administered by the Chief Justice.*

Mr. Clay, the unsuccessful candidate of the whig party for the presidency, had for a long period been an aspirant for that office. As early as 1824, he was supported for that position by many warm admirers. Perhaps no man in the Union has won the attachment of so many ardent and enthusiastic personal friends as Mr. Clay. No disaster can dampen their zeal, and each successive defeat only has the effect of attaching them still more closely to his person and his fortunes. He is, indeed, a noble leader. His bold and impassioned eloquence, his affability and fascination of manner, and his unwavering devotion to his friends, altogether constitute him one of the most influential statesmen which this country has ever produced.

His patriotism has been too often put to the test to admit of doubt. Upon two occasions he has interposed his form between the exasperated citizens of the North and South. When the excitement raged with frightful violence before the admission of Missouri, and threatened to destroy the Union itself, with a promptness and sincerity which proved that a patriot's heart beat within his bosom, he poured oil upon the troubled waters and assisted to allay the storm. And And now, when danger thickens, and a dark and threatening cloud hovers over the Temple of Liberty, his tall and venerable form is again seen protecting from sacri

*For the Inaugural Address, see Appendix.

lege and violence our glorious Constitution, and in tones which are tremulous with age, he implores our distracted countrymen to pause in their career, and save the American Confederacy from the frightful horrors which must flow from its dissolution.

The difficult and delicate duty now devolved upon Mr. Polk of selecting his cabinet, and upon a wise choice of those persons much of the popularity and success of his administration depended. Not only was it necessary to call around him statesmen whose ability and experience would enable them to illustrate the broad and comprehensive platform which he had laid down in his inaugural address, but whose commanding talents and popularity with the American people would recommend its adoption by their representatives. Among the names which Mr. Polk presented to the Senate as his cabinet officers, were some of the most distinguished statesmen in the Union, and in their selection he exhibited a thorough knowledge of those men, whose great abilities and remarkable energy greatly assisted in erecting that splendid superstructure which has given an undying reputation to his administration.

The long service of Mr. Buchanan in the Senate, where he had encountered in debate the profoundest statesmen in the land, qualified him thoroughly for the department of State. Logical and sound in his reasoning, with a sagacity which could discover dangers in the future, and the ability to avoid them, however threatening and sudden their approach, he was always a formidable foe to