the world in the protection of our extensive commerce. When we take into consideration the varied interests which are involved in the commerce of the United States, and the inadequacy of our marine to protect it in case of a rupture with any of the maritime powers of Europe, the importance of strengthening that arm of the public defence forcibly suggests itself. Within the last twenty years the navies of Great Britain and France have been immensely increased, especially in war steamers. Without possessing the same advantages for the construction of war vessels, and with a more contracted coast to defend than the United States, the navies of both of those powers greatly preponderate in number of vessels, and weight of metal, over our own. The material which we have for building a marine far exceeds that which is possessed by any other commercial power, while the American seamen are unrivalled in professional skill and gallantry. Our naval schools furnish instruction to the youth of the country, while the extensive fisheries in which the American seamen are engaged, prepare them to discharge the duty which devolves upon them, when they enlist in the service of the United States. England is our great rival upon the deep: possessing the same language, and controlled by an indomitable will, which can overcome all obstacles; with a commerce whose sails whiten every ocean, it is not improbable that before the lapse of half a century, the dominion of the seas will be disputed by the rival branches of the Anglo-Saxon race. England possesses a more powerful navy, and the prestige which

repeated victories over the Dutch and the French gave her. There is one fact, which will enable us to triumph over England in a protracted conflict upon the seas: we possess internal resources which will enable us to exist, if our commerce was utterly destroyed; while the prosperity of England, and the stability of its throne, essentially depend upon the supremacy of her maritime power. If a war should be declared between the two countries, the navy of the United States would be increased so as to contend successfully with England upon her own element, while it would be powerfully assisted by the privateers, which would issue from every port along our extended line of sea-coast, to cut up and destroy the commerce of Great Britain. This result will weaken her power, destroy the source from whence flows her im mense wealth, until the English throne itself totters to its fall.

As long as the navy of England so much exceeds that of the United States, we shall always be handled roughly at the commencement of a struggle. And it is to avoid such a result which creates the necessity for a large increase of our war steamers. This is rendered the more justifiable, because the contest with Mexico proved that perfect reliance can be placed upon the volunteers, so far as the land service is concerned, and renders unnecessary the support of a large standing army.

CHAPTER XII.

The veto power exercised by Mr. Polk.-The instructions to Mr. Slidell.The slavery question.-The Wilmot Proviso.-The slavery question in the Constitutional Convention.-The Missouri compromise.-Territorial Government for Oregon.-Admission of Wisconsin and Iowa into the Union. -Progress made in the arts and sciences.-State of American literature and education.-Conclusion.

UPON several occasions during the administration of Mr. Polk, the acts of Congress brought that branch of the Government into collision with the Executive. Elected as the representative of the entire nation, it was his right, as well as his duty, to guard and protect the interests of all. Upon three several occasions he deemed it his duty to exercise the veto power conferred upon him by the Constitution, for the purpose of arresting the legis lation of Congress. In shielding the Constitution from encroachment, he followed the example which had been set him by several of his predecessors.* The veto power has been exercised twenty-four times, since the organization of the Government under the present Constitution, and seven thousand seven hundred laws have been passed since that time.

* The veto power was exercised twice by Washington, six times by Madison, once by Monroe, upon nine occasions by Jackson, four by Tyler, and three times by Polk.

Mr. Polk vetoed two bills which were passed by Congress, for the improvement of harbors and rivers, and also the bill making appropriations to satisfy the claims of our citizens for the spoliations committed by the French. In his last annual message to Congress, the President examined at some length the constitutional negative which the Executive has upon the action of Congress.* The demo

* "The President is bound to approve, or disapprove, every bill which passes Congress, and is presented to him for his signature. The Constitution makes this his duty, and he cannot escape it if he would. He has no election. In deciding upon any bill presented to him, he must exercise his own best judgment. If he cannot approve, the Constitution commands him to return the bill to the House in which it originated, with his objections; and if he fail to do this within ten days (Sundays excepted), it shall become a law without his signature. Right or wrong, he may be overruled by a vote of two-thirds of each House; and, in that event, the bill becomes a law without his sanction. If his objections be not thus overruled, the subject is only postponed, and is referred to the States and the people for their consideration and decision. The President's power is negative merely, and not affirmative. He can enact no law. The only effect, therefore, of his withholding his approval of a bill passed by Congress, is to suffer the existing laws to remain unchanged, and the delay occasioned is only that required to enable the States and the people to consider and act upon the subject, in the election of public agents who will carry out their wishes and instructions."

"Congress, and each House of Congress, hold under the Constitution a check upon the President, and he, by the power of the qualified veto, a check upon Congress. When the President recommends measures to Congress, he avows, in the most solemn form, his opinions, gives his voice in their favor, and pledges himself in advance to approve them if passed by Congress. If he acts without due consideration, or has been influenced by improper or corrupt motives-or if from any other cause Congress, or either House of Congress, shall differ from him in opinion, they exercise their veto upon his recommendations, and reject them; and there is no appeal from their decision, but to the people at the ballot-box. These are proper checks upon the Executive, wisely interposed by the Constitution. None will be found to object to them, or wish them to be removed. It is equally important that the constitutional checks of the Executive upon the legislative branch should be preserved.

cratic party have sustained, with great unanimity, the provision of the Constitution which authorized the President to postpone or defeat the passage of a law by the exercise of the veto, while the whig party, at various periods, have endeavored to amend that instrument, by abolishing the power altogether.*

"If it be said that the Representatives in the popular branch of Congress are chosen directly by the people, it is answered, the people elect the President. If both Houses represent the States and the people, so does the President. The President represents in the Executive Department the whole people of the United States, as each member of the legislative department represents portions of them."

"Upon the same principle that the veto of the President should be practically abolished, the power of the Vice President to give the casting vote upon an equal division of the Senate should be abolished also. The Vice President exercises the veto power as effectually by rejecting a bill by his casting vote, as the President does by refusing to approve and sign it. This power has been exercised by the Vice President in a few instances, the most important of which was the rejection of a bill to re-charter the Bank of the United States in 1811. It may happen that a bill may be passed by a large majority of the House of Representatives, and may be supported by Senators from the larger States, and the Vice President may reject it by giving his vote with the Senators from the smaller States; and yet none, it is to be presumed, are prepared to deny to him the exercise of this power under the Constitution."-Message of Mr. Polk, December 5th, 1848.

* "Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, (two-thirds of both Houses concurring,) That when a bill which shall have passed the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States shall be returned by the President, with his objections to his approbation and signature, if, upon its reconsideration, it shall pass each House by a majority of all the members belonging to such House, notwithstanding the President's objection, it shall become a law; and the requisition by the existing Constitution of two-thirds of each House again to pass the bill in such case is hereby annulled."-Resolution introduced into the Senate by Henry Clay, December 29th, 1841.

'No doubt the idea of ingrafting this power upon our own Constitu tion was adopted by the Convention, from having always found it as a