MONDAY, JANUARY 16. DUTIES ON IMPORTS. The House resumed the consideration of the resolution moved by Mr. BOULDIN on the 27th of December ultimo. [H. of R. tion, the gentleman fished it up from the bottom, and thus at once the whole play was made obvious. I mean by this no reproach to the gentleman or to the document, for it is well enough in its place; but what is it? It is the offspring of the fanciful moments of the gentleman, and might be called poetical vagaries in figures. It must have been his recreation in moments of leisure; for it is the extravagance of cent. per cent. upon supposed cases of duties relating to bockings, baizes, lion skins, toilinets, kerunheard of, and unknown, probably, since we manufacture much better articles that have taken their places, except in the vocabulary of some shrewd collector of the customs, or of some learned technical merchant. It is a fine exhibition of extravagance, for the cent. per cent. is run up, I believe, not only to one hundred and fifty, but to three hundred. When the motion was made on Friday that the House proceed to the orders of the day, Mr. DAVIS had the floor, and was replying to the remarks of Mr. CAMBRELENG on a resolution he had proposed to offer, should the amend-seynets, and other still more singular names, some of them ment of Mr. STEWART to Mr. BOULDIN's resolution on the subject of the tariff be withdrawn. mine in this matter. It is some years since they were published, and the people are still obstinate or obtuse, for they have not or will not be convinced: let them go, then, to the public, and we shall see whether the people remain incorrigible--whether they still refuse to be convinced in spite of this mass of information. Mr. DAVIS now resumed. He said that on Friday last he intended to submit to the House some remarks in reply to the gentleman from New York, [Mr. CAMBRELENG,] but after addressing the House a few minutes, and before he had fairly entered into the subject under discussion, he was stopped by the rule limiting the period for I am charged with smothering this document, with morning business. Some of his observations, said Mr. keeping its all-pervading light from the American peoD., struck my mind as extraordinary, harsh, and uncour-ple. Smothering it! I would not if I could blow out teous, to say the least. The resolution of the_member the smallest taper lighted by the intellect of the gentlefrom Virginia [Mr. BOULDIN] proposed that the Com- man to illuminate free trade, even if it vainly struggled mittee on Commerce should inquire into the effect and to rival the noontide glare of the sun. No, let these operation of certain laws made by this Government. The figures in buckram go forth again to the world-let them member from Pennsylvania [Mr. STEWART] had moved strut their hour in the newspapers once more-let them an amendment, and pending that motion I sent a propo- thus revive the recollections of the people, for I doubt sition to the table, which I desired should supersede his not their memory has been as false and treacherous as if it met with his approbation. My proposition went to enlarge the inquiry, and to alter the reference from the Committee on Commerce to the Committee on Manufactures. For these proceedings we have been charged by the gentleman from New York with attempting to smother the inquiry. I say we, because I hardly know who is meant to be designated by the word gentlemen. He used The gentleman says the people are deceived as to the this language, as nearly as I can recollect: "I tell gen- minimums in the woollens bill. They ought to be entlemen, whatever becomes of the resolution, the inqui- lightened, and they shall be enlightened. There are ries shall be answered in spite of all they can do to smo- some reminiscences in relation to this matter--some ther the information. I shall myself lay on the table state- historical facts, which some persons here are acquainted ments containing all the facts which the gentleman (mean- with, and some probably are not; and I will take this ing the gentleman from Virginia) wishes to elicit, and occasion to recur to one or two of them. The worthy then call for the yeas and nays, and we will see who gentleman reprobates the square yard duty, because he dares to vote against printing them, and to withhold in- says the people are deceived by it, and he seems to apformation from the American people: I have done it before proach these minimums on woollens with as much care this, and I will do it again." I am glad there has been a and caution as if he were afraid of being fleeced. Now, Lttle time for consideration--that the honorable mem-in relation to some of the specific duties in this law of bers of this House will have an opportunity so far to recover from their surprise, as to screw their moral courage up to the sticking point, and to vote with some share of composure, without having the monosyllabic words, aye or no, stuck in their throats. 1828, let us look back into the journal of that time. I recollect the gentleman in his place in this House declared he would vote, and he did vote, to keep on a specific duty of seven cents a pound on coarse wool, when at the moment it could be purchased abroad for half the moUntil these remarks fell from the gentleman, I was at ney. I also well remember that he declared he would a loss to understand why the gentleman from Virginia vote, and he did vote, to increase the duty on molasses was bobbing his line among the Committee on Commerce: to twenty cents a gallon, which was nearly or twice its but no sooner was the proposition made to shift the prime cost at the place of production. I remember, also, ground to the Committee on Manufactures, than the gen- that he declared he would give these offensive votes to deman from New York started upon his feet, the mystery make the people feel the tariff. I will, said he, bring was solved, and every thing rendered intelligible. The them to their senses, by making the law as bad and odiobject to be brought to light, as the gentleman from ous as I can. I know he said he would not vote for such New York chose to understand it, was certain learned a law; but if others passed it, it should be of this offenmathematical calculations made some years ago by him, respecting the per centage of duty upon woollen goods. This document, or something like it, he thought, was to be brought before this House by this resolution, and its preamble. sive character, and should not be put in any other shape, if he could prevent it. Sir, did the people feel it? Do they feel it now, or is it necessary to make a book of figures to demonstrate to them that they feel what they are insensible of? If the people are so dull that they Now, I hope to be pardoned by the gentleman-I am do not understand when they are burdened, then let the sure I shall be by the House and the nation-when I say gentleman have an opportunity to prove it. Let his docuthis important document, which is to enlighten the ment go out to enlighten them. If the matter comes American people, had slipped out of my mind, fallen to the Committee on Commerce, he shall have my vote into the stream of oblivion, and by its own gravitating for it; but I hope it may meet with better success and power sunk to the bottom. I acknowledge with hu- call for less criticism and correction than a certain other mility my shame, for I should as soon stand excused, if I document emanating from the gentleman as chairman had forgot the works of Newton or Laplace. But as of the Committee on Commerce in 1830, in which he assoon as the line was like to be thrown in another direc-serts that the coasting tonnage of Great Britain is be 1551 H. OF R.] GALES & SEATON'S REGISTER [JAN. 16, 1832. Suppose we take a tween eight and nine millions of tons, and that the bare general inference I have made. increase in that country, in the short period of a very few woollen mill costing a hundred thousand dollars, which is years, was about equal to the whole coasting tonnage of a far greater sum than most of them cost, for the greater portion of the establishments are on a moderate scale: this country. This was to demonstrate the prosperous condition of such a mill, if built with economy, would employ from a the navigation of a foreign country, and the comparative hundred and sixty to a hundred and seventy persons in it, decline of our own, which we thought prosperous. There and would work up annually about two hundred thousand is nothing like the demonstration of figures; the only pounds of wool. I will not undertake to state with prewonder is, that the people, with such a flood of informa- cision how many sheep it would take to produce this quantion, will not be convinced that they live under a bad Go-tity, for I am not informed how much the average shearing in this country is of wool in a good condition for the mar vernment, and are oppressed. As to the reference of the inquiries contained in the ket. We have some information on this head as to foreign resolution, I had almost said I feel as indifferent as the countries. In Germany, including Hungary, Gallicia, and gentleman, though I think, if the amendment I propose Prussian Poland, they clip two pounds a head; in Spain The wools, howshall be carried, the Committee on Manufactures is the and Portugal, one and a half; in France, two and a half; most appropriate; for the inquiry then will be as to the in England, three and three-fourths. If our sheep effect of the revenue laws upon the great branches of in-ever, of France and England are of inferior quality to dustry in this country. What the sentiments of this com- those of Germany, Spain, and Portugal. mittee are, I know not; and I consider it somewhat singu- yield two pounds at a clipping, then such factory would There is some lar, and certainly unusual, that we should be together take the wool of a hundred thousand sheep annually, the for so long a period, and their sentiments be unknown to value of which may be easily estimated. are. the House at a moment like this, when they have in difference of opinion as to the quantity of land required to charge some of the greatest interests of the country; keep that number of sheep; some allow three and some though I presume in due time we shall learn what they four to the acre for the season, including summer and winI will give them my confidence in this matter as I ter; this is also a matter that every one can adjust upon would to any committee of the House on subjects gene- his own experience or information, and determine the value of the land required. It will take also of agricul rally, until it is manifest that confidence is misplaced. The gentleman from New York, on this as well as on tural produce to sustain the laborers and horses employed several other occasions, (when I have sat and borne it,) by such a mill, about to the value of nine thousand dollars has uttered on this floor declamatory philippics against annually. I shall not undertake to estimate the value of the manufacturers, designating them by harsh and re- the land necessary to yield this amount of produce annualBut an estimate foundproachful terms, such as moneyed aristocrats; overbearing, ly. Every farmer, however, can do it, for he knows what monopolizing capitalists. Why is this language, which the surplus of his labor is worth. might be pardoned as the offspring of excitement, re-ed upon this data may be made as gentlemen please; the peated? I will not question the motives of the gentle- amount of agricultural capital to which the woollens busiman, but I must say it looks like an attempt at effect out ness gives employ, will be found to greatly exceed the of doors--at display--and it does make false impressions capital vested in the manufacture of the goods, and will on the minds of those unacquainted with the matter, and amount, I think, upon any reasonable valuation, to five or six times as much. This, sir, is a matter worthy of inves therefore does injury. tigation, for this interest diffuses itself more widely, and extends its benefits to a greater number of laborers and small capitalists, than any other whatever, and it is of quite as much importance that we should understand it, as it is that we understand the amount of duties on lion skins, toilinets, and swansdowns. It has generally been the pleasure of those who would be thought great advocates for free trade, as they call it, to make the woollens interest their target to fire at. Why this determined hostility? Why is this interest always flouted at? Why is it the perpetual theme of unmeasured denunciation? I will make a few remarks on the capital brought into action by this interest, in reply to the gentleman, that he and others may see who is denounced, and what they aim to prostrate. What do those who make war on the woollens propose to do? To transfer this business from the farmers and manufacturers of this country across the water to the hands I shall not be very specific as to sums, but I will furnish of foreigners-to the farmers and manufacturers of other data from which accurate computations may be made, nations--that is the proposition--it is to put a stop to the It is these classes of our citizens, adapted to the difference in the value of agricultural pro- immense operations of this capital and labor, and give perty in different portions of the country, and I will then others the benefit of it. call on the gentleman to refute, if he can, the inference the spinner, the weaver, the farmer who follows his plough which must be made. I say, then, that there is scarce an and shears his sheep, that are denounced as moneyed aris employment in the country that diffuses its benefits so tocrats, as haughty monopolists, who are to be stripped of wide, and gives such encouragement to labor, as the ma- their employments. Who is it that dares assail the work. What is woollen cloth? It is al- ing men with such opprobrious charges? Sir, it is im nufacture of woollens. most exclusively, from bottom to top, the produce of porters, and commercial capitalists; and it is a fact esta agriculture. In the first place, the raw material, the blished as early as 1824, that about four-fifths of the im wool, is from the back of the sheep; and, in the second porters of woollens were then foreigners; and it is said place, the labor which works it, and which is compara- that about seven-eighths of them are so now. Why are tively great, is maintained and supported upon the pro- the Americans, our countrymen, driven from this trade? ducts of agriculture; and, further, some of the most costly Because they cannot keep pace with the English in per dyes, such as indigo, are also the fruit of agriculture. It petrating frauds in passing goods through the customfollows, that the cost of woollen goods goes mainly to the house. A document has already been published by a benefit of agriculture, and I think there is no hazard in committee who have examined the transactions at the asserting that every dollar of capital which is invested in custom-house in New York, and it states that four of these the manufacture of wool gives employment, constant and foreign houses have, in the last twelve months, imported unceasing, to from five to six dollars of agricultural capi- more than a million and a half worth of woollens. These tal. I will throw out some data which may not be pre- are the men, sir, that beset our doors with incessant com cisely accurate in its application throughout the country, plaints about the tariff, and cry out against the farmer and but it will enable every one who chooses to investigate the manufacturer as moneyed aristocrats; they have, sir, ca subject, to satisfy himself that there is no error in the pital without limit, and by means of it bestride our necks, JAN. 16, 1832.] Duties on Imports. [H. or R. as the monster did that of Sinbad the Sailor, and we are should feel so little disposed to offend. But, said Mr. C., as capable of shaking them off. Sir, this language towards while I make this concession to the gentleman from Massathe manufacturers is abusive, and in charity I excuse it on chusetts, an explanation is due to myself. The gentlethe ground that those who utter it are ignorant of the men man has been pleased to say that we have been bobbing of whom they speak. I do not intend, sir, to be forced, for a long lost document sunk by its weight in the bottom at this time, into the discussion of the great questions of the sea--he has almost insinuated that the gentleman which have been stated. But I felt it a duty I owed to the from Virginia, [Mr. BOULDIN,] and myself, had arranged worthy class of my fellow-citizens who have been greatly the matter between us--that we had prepared our fishing misrepresented, and to that efficient body of working men rod, hook, and line, to drag up this ponderous document. whom I immediately represent, to repel the unfounded What were the circumstances which caused the excitecharges brought against them, and to throw them back ment to which the gentleman has referred? The gentleupon the assailants, to whose skirts they will cling. man from Virginia, some two or three weeks since, offerSir, the proposition of the gentleman from Virginia ed a resolution simply requiring some mercantile calculademands an account of the effect and operation of the re- tions which I certainly thought would be useful to every venue laws; but the object seems to be to limit the inquiry member of the House, whatever might be his doctrines, to the per centage paid for goods. This would be a most in examining the great question of a general reduction of imperfect view of the matter--it would be but a glance our taxes. The resolution called for calculations of the at one side-and while I do not object to the views and charges of importation, freight, exchanges, transportawishes of the mover, I desire information of a more en- tion, &c., on woollens and cottons. It required simple larged character, which will enable us to understand the calculations of the duty under the various minimums when great interests committed to our care, and guide us to use these goods were honestly imported, and a statement of ful results. such cottons and woollens as were prohibited by the heavy duties imposed by this mode of calculation, which arbitrarily imposes the duty in some instances on five times the value of the article.' the inquiry proposed by the gentleman from Virginia. If the gentleman will read his resolution, the House will perceive that it would have put an end to the inquiry. He must pardon me, sir, for evincing some excitement that a gen tleman of his high standing-one not surpassed in either House for candor or ability-should endeavor, by such means, to suppress a call for information. I will support his resolution whenever he chooses to propose it; but not as an extinguisher to the inquiry proposed by the gentleman from Virginia. Among other things, I should hope the complaints as to frauds may be carefully investigated. Sir, it is alleged that a foreign house has, during the past season, been compelled to pay, in additional duties alone, by having This, sir, was a very simple inquiry. The information their goods marked up above their own false valuation, ought to have been desired by, as it was certainly useful fifteen thousand dollars; and others have also paid large to all. But what was the course pursued by the gentleman sums in the same way. These are the men that are cry- from Massachusetts? The moment the resolution was preing out at the doors of this Hall against moneyed aristo- sented, that gentleman moved to lay it upon the table. crats. These matters, sir, ought to be looked into with The gentleman from Virginia afterwards moved to take it care, for public sentiment demands it. up, and the House refused. He renewed the attemptThere is another matter which also deserves examina- called for the yeas and nays. Then the gentleman from tion in connexion with this subject--it is our statute value Massachusetts voted for it; but for what purpose? Not, of the English pound sterling. By an early law of the sir, to obtain the information sought for, but to propose a United States, the value of imported goods was required substitute-a sort of blanket, which effectually smothered to be set down in the invoice in the currency of the country from whence they were imported, and, that there might be no diversity of opinion, the value of foreign coins fixed by law-that of the pound sterling at four dollars and forty-four cents, where it has remained to this day, and is so estimated at the custom-house now. The actual value, however, in our present currency, is about four dollars and ninety cents. This brings goods into the country under their actual cost, as the statute value is false, and a part of the protection to our industry is taken away in this manner. I am not sure that I understand the exact reason of The gentleman has thought proper to treat with conthis change of value which time has effected, but it seems tempt all petty calculations about flannels, baizes, fearto me to be explained in this way: silver, in England, is a noughts, toilinets, swansdowns, &c. &c. These were tender for debts only which are under forty shillings; gold strange terms to his ears; he is utterly ignorant of them. is, therefore, the metallic medium of that country. The This is not surprising, sir, for one of the champions of the value of gold to that of silver is as one to sixteen; and this American system. He moves in a lofty elevation, far above is nearly the ratio in Europe, while, by our laws, we value the meridian of the poorer and laboring classes. Sir, the it as one to fifteen. The consequence is, our statute va- gentleman may be, as he professes to be, utterly ignorant lue of gold in the coin is less than it is worth in Europe, of the common terms applied to those substantial necessaand hence it becomes mere merchandise, and is bought ries of life; but I will venture to say there is not a laborer, up for exportation. The value of silver, on the other a mechanic, or a farmer, in the Union, who does not well hand, in England, is less than the statute value of our understand all the terms which the gentleman has attemptcoins, and as it is also there a mere article of merchandise, ed to ridicule. our coins will not sell there for the same as they pass here.. These circumstances only cause perplexity, and it is time this Government looked into the matter, and conformed its laws to the actual value of the precious metals. On the whole, these are matters which ought, in the adjustment of the revenue, to receive attention, and I hope the gentleman from Pennsylvania will withdraw his amendment, and let the sense of the House be expressed upon my proposition. The gentleman from Massachusetts has introduced much extraneous matter, to which, on a proper occasion, I shall reply. Some things require to be noticed now. He has thought proper to refer incidentally to a report of the Committee on Commerce-to a statement of British tonnage, &c. I will merely now say, sir, that the statement to which he refers rests upon the authority of British official documents-the best that we can have on this side of the Atlantic; and, sir, I will add, that, whenever that genMr. CAMBRELENG rose in reply. He, perhaps, owed tleman will question the facts or the arguments of that rean apology to the gentleman from Massachusetts. He port, I shall at least feel it a duty to defend them. On this certainly did, if on Friday last he had uttered any thing floor that has never yet been done, as the gentleman from harsh or rude towards that gentleman. There was no one Massachusetts knows. And yet, sir, I have seen it gravely who stood higher in his respect-certainly none whom he stated in the North American Review, as a matter of fact, VOL. VIII.-98 H. OF R.] Duties on Imports. that that report had not only been discussed, but refuted. I had thought, sir, that there were gentlemen on this floor connected in some measure with that Review, who might have contradicted that statement. [JAN. 16, 1832. branches of industry; and whether the consumption and general industry of the country may not be relieved from oppressive taxation; whether a duty of twenty-five per cent., and incidental charges equal to twenty-five more, is The gentleman from Massachusetts has spoken of the not an adequate permanent encouragement for any branch importance to the country of the woollen manufacture, and of industry; and whether we are not imperatively called has enlarged upon its advantages to the wool grower. I upon to reduce the extravagant rates of seventy-five, one concur with that gentleman in his view of its importance; hundred, and one hundred and fifty per cent. now imposbut when he addresses an argument ad captandum to our ed. We are approaching, sir, a dangerous crisis-one wool growers, he must pardon me if I answer him in a which will require the exercise of all our patriotism. It similar way. I hope he will offer a resolution proposing will be wise in our manufacturers, our iron masters, and that the Committee on Manufactures should inquire what sugar planters, to prepare for the crisis, and, in a spirit of quantity of woollen goods have been imported by those patriotism, to make some sacrifice of a portion of their inpatriotic and disinterested manufacturers whom he has de- comes to the public good. The public voice demands a scribed, for the purpose of encouraging foreigners, for whom reduction of our revenue to the measure of our annual exthe gentleman seems to entertain such an antipathy. Let penditure. It may not be prudent, it may not be wise, us see how far our patriotic and disinterested manufactu- for our large capitalists to resist. Should they persist in rers have been encouraging the British wool grower by a determination to surrender nothing, but to persevere in importing British wool and British yarns. Sir, I do not a system of injustice and oppression, they may postpone object to these importations. Our manufacturers have a the reduction of our taxes, but the longer it is postponed right to get their materials wherever they can buy them the worse it will be for every branch of industry. They the cheapest; but let us not be told of the frauds of mer- may rely upon it the contest will never be terminated until chants, and the patriotism of manufacturers. our taxes are reduced. To satisfy the gentleman from Massachusetts that we were not bobbing for the lost document, I hope the gentleman from Virginia will allow his resolution to go to the Committee on Manufactures. It calls for nothing but calculations and information which I am sure will be faithfully given by that committee, and which is all that the House can desire. Mr. CAMBRELENG replied that the document to which his remarks had referred was not that which the gentleman from Massachusetts seemed to apprehend there was a design to fish up, but a different one, drawn up since. The gentleman has also referred to the proceedings on the tariff of 1828. When he referred, sir, to the votes on that occasion, I expected, at least from one of his candor, that he would have fairly stated the occasion of the votes to which he has referred. He knew, sir, that it was our design to defeat that bill--a bill denounced on all hands-and justly, and upon high authority, denominated a "bill of abominations." If that denounced bill became a law, it Mr. DAVIS observed, in explanation, that the gentleman was not the fault of those with whom I had the honor had mistaken what he had intended to say, if he supposed of acting, but of those gentlemen who voted for the bill him to have imputed to the gentleman from New York any with all its "abominations." Sir, the gentleman from dishonorable motives in the part he had taken. Massachusetts shall not misunderstand me. He has represented me as pronouncing philippics against the manufacturing interest. It is true that I have spoken freely, and I shall do it again, of that class of manufacturers who are perpetually making appeals to this House for laws to Mr. BOULDIN now addressed the House, observing enable them to increase their exactions from the commu- that, when he had at first moved the resolution, he had no nity. These are the gambling offspring of your tariff laws. thought that that sort of discussion would follow which had But, sir, that gentleman has never heard me assail that much since occurred. He had himself deemed the resolution to more numerous class of our manufacturers who rely upon be what some gentlemen had since said it was, as harmless their own efforts, and pray that Congress will let them and mild as Peter Pindar's nipperkin of milk; but, had a alone. These are not the feeble creations of artificial le-bottle of aquafortis been thrown in among the gentlemen, gislation. They rest on a more solid and substantial foun- it could scarcely have produced more flinching. And, indation. deed, the conduct of the gentleman from Massachusetts had, at the time, reminded him of the same saying which that gentleman had applied to the behavior of the gentleman from New York: the bird that is hit may be known by its fluttering. But, sir, I shall not go into these questions now, nor follow the gentleman from Massachusetts further in his argument. When the proper time shall arrive, I hope I shall be prepared to engage in that grave and momentous debate in which most of us will be called upon to take a The resolution here proposed two or three simple inquipart. When we assembled here, I had supposed that we ries, founded on a statement of the facts contained in the had all come with a just and patriotic determination to ex- preamble. It expressed no more than a desire to know amine thoroughly every branch of revenue, and to in- what rate per cent. was in fact laid by the law which require, with an impartiality and a spirit entirely national, quires the payment of ad valorem duties on certain dewhat branches of revenue could be dispensed with, and scriptions of goods. Before this could possibly be ascerwhat reduced, without detriment to the public interest. tained, a piece of information was requisite, which was I little supposed, sir, that we were to engage in skirmishes possessed alone by custom-house officers, or by merchants of this character on the threshold of so grave an inquiry. engaged in the importing trade. How could it possibly I had hoped, sir, that we should go into the discussion with be known, unless reference was first had to the bulk and a mutual desire and determination to adjust this great ques-value of the goods, and the charges which were to be tion with a patriotic regard to the interest of the manufac- added to the value before the tax was calculated? For the turer on the one side, and the consumer on the other. I law directed that all those charges, except insurance, were shall not be driven from that course. I shall not vote for first to be added to the prime cost of the article, and thea any measure calculated to shock or to annihilate any branch ten per cent. laid upon that gross amount before the rate of industry. Whatever changes are proposed, should be of duty of forty-five, forty, or twenty-five per cent. was gradual. Existing interests should be justly regarded. calculated. What he sought was, simple, succinct acBut, while these interests are thus respected, it becomes count of the amount of tax the people actually had to pay our duty to inquire whether the enormous duties now im on each kind of goods imported; and this was surely a reaposed upon coarse cottons, coarse woollens, the heavier sonable inquiry. For ought it not to be known what were descriptions of iron, and on brown sugar, may not be gra- the duties at present actually paid, before the discretion dually reduced without injury to those interested in these of Congress could be intelligently exercised as to the de The House adjourned. TUESDAY, JANUARY 17. [H. OF R. Mr. BRANCH presented a memorial and remonstrance gree in which it was proper that the taxes should be re- He concluded by expressing his hope that the House duced or augmented? It was acknowledged on all hands would sanction the resolution in its original form, and not that they should have to act on the general subject during overload it with an amendment, requiring in reply a mass the present session, and it was right that they should pos- of figures so great, that the report when obtained would sess the light which was needed in order to prepare them be too bulky to be read, and would consequently leave to do so. The resolution contained not a word from which the people as ignorant of the true state of things, as they it could be determined whether, in the opinion of its au- were before. thor, the duties ought to be diminished or increased. Mr. BATES, of Maine, said that he had no wish to put It was, indeed, true that the information, in reference an end to this discussion; but as he observed that many to the minimums, might, in one view of it, be obtained gentlemen were taking notes, and probably preparing to by simple calculation; and the inquiry would never have address the House, he would move that the House do been sent to the Committee on Commerce had it stopped now proceed to the orders of the day. This motion was at that point; the mover would have made the calculation lost; and then for himself; but he wanted to ascertain how far goods which the people stood in need of were in effect prohibited by the force of law. Mr. B. said he would, in a moment, consent to have the resolution referred to the Committee on Manufactures, were it not an absurdity in terms to refer to that committee an inquiry, which, in every view of it, manifestly pertained to the Committee of the special agent, and the chiefs, headmen, and waron Commerce. In answer to a plain, simple inquiry as to riors of the Creek nation of Indians, now in the city of the matter of fact as it actually existed, viz. what duty Washington, remonstrating against the passage of a bill was paid on certain goods in consequence of the tariff reported on the 8th instant, and now pending before this law, and the practice under that law, they were answered House, to carry into effect the fourth section of the treaty here and there, all over the House, with the statement that of the 8th of January, 1821, between the United States no such enormous duty was in fact paid, as those who bore and the Creek nation of Indians, so far as relates to the the burden thought that they paid, because the duty was claims of citizens of Georgia against said Indians, for inin fact avoided by fraud and corruption. Mr. B. said he jury done prior to the passage of the act of Congress rewas the last man in that House who would refuse an inqui-gulating intercourse with Indian tribes, and praying that ry going to investigate the existence or the extent of such an act may be passed, directing the payment to the said nation of the sum of money proposed by said bill, to be frauds as were alleged. But had not the law of 1828 received the sanction of that House, and of the other branch paid to citizens of Georgia. of the Legislature, he should have felt himself authorized to say, as soon as the law was proposed, that there was embodied in that law itself a spring of corruption that could not fail of furnishing streams that would pervade Mr. SPEIGHT inquired whether his colleague intended every part of the Union. Far be it from him to do aught if it was to be printed, the time of the House need not to move for the printing of the document. Because, which might prevent an inquiry, the result of which Mr. B. asked that the memorial might be read. The reading of the document having proceeded for some time, least. he knew, to the Committee on Indian Affairs, but such a would go to show how far the previously honest course of be wasted in listening to the reading, since he conjecour merchants had been corrupted by the baleful effects tured, from its size, that it would occupy an hour, at of that law. No facts that could be produced would surpass the conclusions his mind had drawn from the nature Mr. BRANCH replied that it had been his wish to of the law itself. Had the gentlemen opposed to him have it referred to a select committee, and if he could not permitted a very simple inquiry to receive a direct and succeed in such a motion, then to send it to the Committee simple answer, he should have had no objections to their of Claims. The ordinary course of reference would be, adding any other queries tending to elicit and expose ex reference of it he must protest against, inasmuch as that isting corruption. But must not this at once be manifest, committee had prejudged the question. that, although bad men might by false oaths evade the Mr. BELL, chairman of the Committee on Indian law, they alone reaped the benefit accruing from their crime, while the fair trader obtained that modicum of Affairs, said that he did not know that it was any valid profit only which might remain to him after a just exposi-objection against referring the memorial to the Committee tion and conscientious obedience of the law? Were the Indian Affairs, that a majority of that committee people who in fact bore the burden at all relieved by the frauds of those who improperly got their goods through the custom-house? differed in opinion from the Creeks on the subject to which this memorial referred, and preferred the claim of the people of Georgia to that of the Creek nation, on the Mr. B. asked whether the information he had sought the subject, and the fairest and most proper reference of fund in question. A bill had already been reported on was not as important to those who asked additional pro- this memorial would be to the same Committee of the tection, as to those who complained of the onerous effect of the duties already laid. He said he had almost under- Whole House which had charge of that bill. stood the remarks of the gentleman from Massachusetts Mr. BRANCH expressing his assent to this arrangement, to contain the insinuation that, in proposing the resolution the memorial was referred accordingly. he had offered, he did not honestly desire a statement of what duties were actually paid; but had acted in consequence of a contrivance with the gentleman from New York [Mr. CAMBRELENG] to fish up some document which had sunk to the bottom of the sea. Mr. DAVIS here interposed to explain, and said that if such had been the gentleman's understanding of his remarks, he greatly misconceived them. He meant to impute to him nothing dishonorable. Mr. BOULDIN resumed, and said that he could not presume that gentleman would have imputed to him any thing that was dishonorable. DUTIES ON IMPORTS. The House resumed the consideration of Mr. BOULDIN'S resolution, with Mr. STEWART's amendment thereto, when Mr. STEWART withdrew his amendment, and proceeded to deliver his sentiments on the resolution. Mr. S. said the motion he had submitted to change the reference of the proposed resolution from the Committee on Commerce to the Committee on Manufactures, did not, it seemed to him, justify the wide range of debate in which gentlemen had thought proper to indulge. But since it had been made the occasion of a general and indiscriminate attack upon the whole system of protection, |