JAN. 21, 1832.] Minimum Duties. [H. OF R. known branch of legislative tactics, to offer an amend- the inquiry attributed, in the public papers, to the prinment for the purpose of overloading and crushing an cipal leader of the manufacturing interest in the other inquiry. If the object of inquiry was the same, why House, on the proposition to divide the surplus revenue offer the amendment? If it was different, why not pro- among the several States--where is your warrant in the pose it as a distinct and substantive proposition? That constitution? Where is the warrant to impost a tax on the subject of the original resolution was one upon which the people, as a bounty to the manufacturers, when they information was necessary, there had recently occurred boldly state on this floor that they can produce these arin illustration within his own knowledge. He had not ticles cheaper than England, and meet her competition in been able, by any inquiries at the department, or of gen- any foreign market? That gentleman had communicated tlemen, to ascertain the price of the freight of a ton of another secret for the information of the House: that he bar iron from Liverpool to New York. He should not had summoned the manufacturers to this place, because have now risen, had he not been called up by an allusion their interests were to be attacked. They were, no doubt, to a name for which he cherished the highest respect and to be introduced as witnesses to prove the facts in which the fondest affection. He was in this House, in 1816, they were directly and deeply interested. Sir, shall the when the original tariff law passed. There was no mem- testimony of interested witnesses, given at the instance of ber in the House whose opinions received so much re- their fellow-manufacturers on this floor, be brought here spect and attention as those of William Lowndes. He was to settle the rights of the people of this nation, in the most admitted to be one of the first statesmen this country had important of all questions affecting their rights, while ever produced. That man was no friend to high duties. such testimony would not be hearkened to in a court of The bill reported on that occasion provided for duties at justice? May we not ask this question, when gentlemen twenty-five per cent., to be reduced at a certain period say there is no necessity of relieving us from burdens to twenty per cent. When his colleague, who was now which have ground us to powder? We ask it of their a member of the other House, moved to strike out the generosity, if they have any, to loose their hold; we adjure twenty-five per cent., leaving the rate of duty at twenty them not to continue any longer a system which makes per cent., the vote of William Lowndes was recorded in them the receivers and us the payers, since, by their own the affirmative. When it was proposed, on motion of the statement, there is no longer, upon public grounds, any gentleman from Virginia, to strike out the minimum, the occasion or apology for its continuance. Southern votes were in the affirmative. The duties esta- Mr. CAMBRELENG, having been appealed to by blished by that act were entirely on the ground of revenue. the gentleman from Massachusetts, [Mr. APPLETON,] to The war, then just over, had left the country deeply in corroborate his statement of the price of East India cotdebt. The duties were retained at that extent for the tons in 1816, said, he had no particular knowledge of that purposes of revenue--with another view, that they might trade at that period; but he felt assured that that gentleincidentally protect the establishments that had grown man would not conscientiously make any statement not out of the war. The motive for establishing the minimum strictly correct. He could, however, give other informawas, that we had not only come out of the war with a tion as to prices upon which he presumed the minimum heavy debt, but with a depreciated currency. The dif- of 1816 was founded; and if gentlemen would assume the ference between the currency of Baltimore and Boston same basis now, however objectionable he considered was something like twenty-five per cent. The exporta- this minimum system to be in all respects, he should be tion of specie to India for the purchase of coarse cottons willing to establish the same rate of duty at this time. It was represented as one great obstacle to the resumption was well known that the price of common white cottons, cf specie payments by the banks. This minimum was in- manufactured in the United States, and entering into the tended to affect the coarse cottons of India, with a view general consumption of the country, did not vary far from to prevent the exportation of specie. There was then twenty-five cents: these cottons were conceived to be of great doubt, if this measure was not adopted, whether the lowest price. And if Congress, in assuming that as our banks would be able to resume specie payments. the minimum price of cottons, placed it too high, it was The Bank of England did not at that time pay specie. It because they were deceived by those from whom they rewas intended to operate entirely on the drain of specie to ceived the information. They were intended to establish India. We had not then arrived at the doctrine that spe- an artificial and arbitrary minimum. The duty contemcie went out of the country simply because it had come plated was twenty-five per cent. on an actual minimum in. If the discussions on this subject were conducted value. But what was the practical operation of this miniwith care, circumspection, and full information, there mum now? The same, nay, a better article could be would be no danger of any imposition upon the good sense bought in England for seven and a half cents, while the of the House. He was satisfied that no facts would escape minimum had been augmented from twenty-five to thirtythe vigilance of gentlemen on both sides of the question. five cents, and it was now arbitrarily valued at the latter Mr. CARSON regretted that so much debate had arisen price. This was the case with British shirtings. He had upon a resolution of this character. He had risen to no- been informed by one of the most extensive and worthy tice a single statement of the gentleman from Massachu-importers of the country, an American, too, as respectasetts, [Mr. APPLETON,] which, from his full and intimate ble as the gentleman from Massachusetts himself, that knowledge of the subject, must be taken as correct, and these cottons were actually imported now, not for conwhich he thought put the whole question at rest. That sumption, but for exportation. They would be imported gentleman had stated, and it was not to be doubted, as he was a manufacturer, that cotton goods could be manufactured cheaper in this country than in England. Mr. APPLETON said his statement was, that raw cotton could be converted into cloth in this country for less money than in England. for consumption, but for the enormous duty levied under the cover of a minimum of eight cents on a value of seven and a half, making fifteen and a half; while a corresponding article of American fabric was sold at fifteen to fifteen and a half cents. Thus were British shirtings excluded by those wise, just, and patriotic laws which enable us to Mr. CARSON said, if that is true, why, in the name of supply Mexico and North America with those very cottons, reason and common sense, do you continue the duty? It while we prohibit our own countrymen from consuming is not needed for revenue, it is not required for protec- them. They come to our markets at half the price detion; for here one of the most respectable manufacturers manded for our own fabrics, and we prohibit their conin the country says, we can make cloth cheaper than it can sumption lest we should diminish the dividends of our be made in England. Is it surprising that the South ob- manufacturers. It was to explain the operation of these ject to it as a bounty on manufactures? He would make minimum duties that he wished the calculations called for H. OF R.] Minimum Duties. [JAN. 21, 1832 by the resolution of the gentleman from Virginia. There was surprised to hear the gentleman from Massachusett were other facts, too, which induced him to advocate the still persist in the declaration that his resolution was no inquiry. In consequence of the statements made by gen-effectively a smotherer to the inquiry proposed by th tlemen of the duties actually paid on woollens and cottons, gentleman from Virginia, and still hoping that the charg he had obtained from the Register's office a statement of would "stick to the skirts of those who make it." The the duties accruing in the second quarter of the last year. gentleman had himself furnished the best evidence of the He referred to that statement, by which it appeared that justice of the charge, if we are to judge of motives by cottons which actually cost a million and a half, paid duty effects: conscious that his amendment did not embrac on two million eight hundred and fifty thousand dollars; the inquiry of the gentleman from Virginia, he was com nearly averaging fifty instead of twenty-five per cent., pelled to amend it in such a manner as expressly to em and paying a rate on coarser cottons beyond sixty or even brace the information called for by the original resolution seventy per cent. It also appeared by the same state- He has thus, by his own act, admitted the charge. A ment, that the woollens which were entered in the second the amendment of the gentleman now stood, it could no quarter under two dollars and fifty cents minimum, em- be objected to; the inquiry was enlarged, the preambi bracing almost all the cloths imported, which cost about was of no moment, its reference was proposed to the Com three hundred and eighty thousand dollars, were valued mittee on Manufactures, who could furnish the facts a at a fraction less than six hundred and twenty thousand well as any other committee; and he hoped that those dollars, paying an average duty of more than seventy- with whom he acted, would assent to its taking that direc three instead of forty-five per cent., as was generally sup- tion, as a report from the respectable committee would posed. It was for these reasons he wished some commit- probably have greater weight with those who differed from tee to make the calculations required for the information them in opinion on the policy of legislative protection. of the House. He noticed the reference made by the Mr. HUNTINGTON, of Connecticut, now said that gentleman from Massachusetts, [Mr. APPLETON,] to an he agreed perfectly in the sentiment that the general quesexpression which he [Mr. C.] had made on a former day tion respecting the tariff should not at this time be relating to the manufacturers. He had described a por- brought under discussion, and he should have contented tion of them as "the gambling offspring of our tariff laws." himself with giving a silent vote, had not some of the obHe was sure the gentleman from Massachusetts would not servations which had fallen from the gentleman from include himself in that class, for certainly he had not in-New York, [Mr. CAMBRELENG,] and the gentleman from tended to make any such allusion to him or to any other South Carolina, [Mr. MITCHELL,] been of a tenor which member on the floor. That gentleman had informed the required reply. When the gentleman from New York House that he was a manufacturer in 1816; he had considered on a former occasion had risen in his place, and thought him as one of those manufacturers of skill and experience it becoming to charge gentlemen who differed from him, who were spread over New England, and who had pro-to smother information, and to conceal from that House tested against the tariff of 1824, and all legislative inter- and from the people of the United States, facts, which it ference with their concerns; one of those who had adopted was important for them to know, he had been equally the sound and wise maxim, a maxim at that time com- surprised with the gentleman from Massachusetts, [Mr. mon to Massachusetts, that legislative stimulants interrupt- Davis.] Was the House aware of the phraseology the ed the steady and wholesome growth of industry, whose gentleman had used? He would take the printed report motto then was 66 "festina lente." He wished that such of his language which had appeared in one of the papers had still been the maxim of every friend of American in- the next morning. dustry; but, in the political revolutions of the times, with the augmentation of our minimums, we had substituted a speculative for a sounder policy, and it would almost Let gentlemen look at this language; on what authority seem that even our principles were, since 1824, to be were such assertions made? Did gentlemen who believed measured by a square yard duty. Mr. C. said he held the protecting system both constitutional and expedient, himself bound to protect and defend every interest, and possess the power, if they had the disposition, to smother he should be ever ready to defend the rights of any, even of an inquiry into facts which it was important should be the gentleman himself, from any aggression, whether ex-known? Was there a single inquiry in the resolution of ternal or internal. He respected those manufacturers who the gentleman from Virginia which could not be answered were actuated by an American spirit of self-dependence; by twenty gentlemen on that floor? Nay, was there a who did not look to legislation for their profits; he would do merchant of any respectability in Philadelphia, Baltimore, every thing he could to encourage industry, frugality, or New York, who could not have an answer here to all and enterprise, but he did not refer to such manufacturers those inquiries in ten days? Did any gentleman really when he spoke of the gambling offspring of tariff laws-suppose that that House could be kept in ignorance of he referred to those annual attendants in our lobbies and what certain manufactures cost in England, or what was our galleries. The gentleman from Massachusetts is the true effect of the minimum duties? He could not placed in a peculiar attitude-certainly no member would but observe that such remarks came with a very ill grace consciously make a personal allusion to him--but in a de- from the gentleman from New York; and the gentleman had bate on a general reduction of our taxes, he must antici-added, that whatever disposition there might be to withpate a full and free discussion of the claims of those whose hold the information, he would individually obtain it. incomes are increased by our taxes upon consumption. Had the friends of the protecting system sought to keep Those who represent the American people cannot be re- it back? They had neither the power nor the disposition strained by the presence of any gentleman, whatever may to do so. Whence did the gentleman draw such an inbe his individual interest; they stand here to advocate the ference? Because some gentlemen preferred that the constitutional rights of their constituents on a momentous inquiry should go to the Committee on Manufactures. question--the question of reducing our revenue from Had not the gentleman from New York himself said that twenty-five to thirteen millions; and at a time when every he did not doubt the competency or the willingness of man should come forward with patriotism, and share in a the chairman of that committee to give the information sacrifice made indispensable by the crisis, He hoped this sought? Nay, had not the gentleman himself expressed premature debate would not be prolonged. It was a mat- entire indifference to which committee it was sent, and ter of little moment, since the gentleman from Massachu- even suggested the propriety of substituting the Comsetts [Mr. Davis] had an ended his amendment, whether mittee on Manufactures for the Committee on Commerce that or the original resolution should be adopted. He Mr. H. said that he knew the gentleman from New York [Here Mr. H. quoted from the Intelligencer a part of the report of Mr. CAMBRELENG's speech.] JAN. 21, 1832.] Minimum Duties. [H. OF R. did not himself believe that all the commercial informa- The gentleman from New York had this morning made tion of that House was locked in his bosom, or confined another remark which he would notice. The gentleto his correspondents. The gentleman must be aware that man had said that the manufacturers ought to have staid the Treasury Department would answer any application at home, and not have crowded the halls and lobbies of from the chairman of the Committee on Manufactures that House. The gentleman, he believed, had called quite as readily as from the chairman of the Committee them "the creatures of legislation," and "manufacturing a Commerce. No preference then for either committee gamblers." The application of the remark had been as any evidence of a design to smother the inquiry. explained to refer to those gentlemen who, in consequence What then was the proof of such a desire? He supposed of the passage of the tariff laws, had been induced by he gentleman referred to a motion which had been made the legislation of Congress to invest their capital in manuo lay the original resolution on the table. But was it not facturing pursuits; and who, fearing for their interests, o be laid on the table with the avowed purpose of having had come to the seat of Government, praying that those t printed? How, he would ask, did the resolution now interests might be protected: these the gentleman had come before the House? Who were they who had voted denominated "manufacturing gamblers." There was no o take it up? Were they not the very gentlemen who necessity, on his part, of defending the character of some ere charged with the design of smothering it? Without of the most respectable men in our country; their honoraheir aid it must have slept on the table till that hour. ble principles, their industry, ingenuity, and usefulness, And could the gentleman from New York justly have needed not his praise. But he would tell the gentleman complained if it had been suffered to sleep there? For who those men were not. If they were manufacturing e had heard that gentleman say, although the Committee gamblers, they were not political gamblers. They did n Manufactures had not yet manifested what was its opi- not belong to that class of men who danced attendance in ion on the general question, a majority of the Committee the antechambers of those in power, and, when their turn n Commerce unfortunately differed from him in their came to be admitted, went booing, booing, that they entiments upon it. He should rather have supposed that might get a share in the contracts, the lottery tickets, he gentleman would have been gratified had the motion or the offices which were to be bestowed. They beor laying the resolution on the table succeeded; for then longed to that class of citizens who honorably labored he gentleman would have had an opportunity of doing for their own support, and who, having supposed themhat which he told the House he should do--lay the infor- selves authorized to make investment of their capital in nation before them himself; for the gentleman stated to such pursuits as they preferred, came here, as he hoped he House, that to whatever committee the resolution every freeman would be allowed to come, and presented hould go, he would take care that the information sought their claims to the consideration of that House; claims hould be furnished; for he would himself lay it upon the which he trusted, as they were openly avowed, would bles of the members. Mr. H. said that he had not the ever receive there a fair and honorable hearing. Mr. H. east objection the gentleman should lay what statements said, in conclusion on this part of the subject, that ale pleased upon the tables: since, by the common courtesy though he should not have referred to the remarks of the of the House this was considered due to every member gentleman from New York, if those remarks were to be The desired it. The gentleman, however, had, in the confined to the walls of that House, but as they were to cnclusion of his speech, held out a sort of threat to go forth to the nation, he should not, so long as he held a he House that he should call for the yeas and nays, and seat on that floor, permit himself or his friends to be hen be should see who would march up to the mark, charged with a design to smother information, and conEd vote to withhold information from the people. Mr. ceal truth from the people, without taking the liberty to I said he did not believe there was a member of the reply. Nor should he be silent, while honorable men, of Luse on whom the gentleman's threat had had the the purest characters, were denounced before that House rast operation whatever. If the gentleman should and the nation as a set of manufacturing gamblers. ng forward his statement, the House, he presumed, He should now address a word or two to the gentleald do with that what they did with any other paper man from South Carolina. That gentleman had begun before them. They would look at it: if it was good, by expressing regret that his friend from Massachusetts ey would probably order it to be printed; and even if it [Mr. DAVIS] had exhibited no spirit of concession or comas neither good nor bad, they might, out of courtesy, promise, but, instead of meeting those opposed to him in er the printing: but he did not think they would ob- a spirit of candor and mutual forbearance, had demanded any fuller knowledge of the facts of the case by so that all the duties at present laid should be retained to their Whatever other characteristic the friends of the utmost extent. His friend was abundantly able to take tection of domestic industry might possess, there was care of his own interests on that floor. But Mr. H. must e which certainly belonged to them: they acted openly, be permitted to say that he was not aware that any such the face of day, without disguise; they fearlessly avowed language had fallen from that gentleman. All his friend hat their objects were, and they acted in pursuance of had sought was, that the facts should be stated on both e design they had avowed. Though they might have acted sides. But would the gentleman from South Carolina behalf of a cause which was reprobated by the honorable let him ask, what spirit of concession or conciliation had ntleman, it must at least be owned that they sailed under manifested itself in him? Was there any thing in the it one flag, and that was "the star-spangled banner." whole course of his remarks, which looked like yielding, Here Mr. CAMBRELENG rose, and demanded to in the smallest degree, to those who advocated the proow whether the gentleman meant to insinuate that any tecting policy? On the contrary, was not the gentleman's ntleman there sailed under a foreign flag. plan of conciliation overlooking entirely the great interest Mr. H. not having yielded the floor, Mr. C. was ordered which might thereby be hazarded, to demand an ad valothe SPEAKER to take his seat.] rem duty alike on all articles, protected and unprotected? Mr. HUNTINGTON resumed, and said that he had A plan, the immediate effect of which would be to break recularized no gentleman upon that floor; he had been down every manufacturing establishment in the country? aking of those only who, with him, advocated the The spirit of this proposal, so far from being a spirit of cy of protection; and if they were obnoxious to any conciliation, resembled much more a spirit of dictation. her charge, it, at least, could not be said that they sailed The gentleman from South Carolina had been pleased Ker any other than an American register, nor with to remark that the agricultural interest in New Englated papers; and more, he would say, their officers land was of comparatively small value, and that the bened crew were all American citizens. fit it derived from the protecting system was confined H. OF R.] = Minimum Duties. [JAN. 21, 187 to a small circle, extending a short distance round the Mr. BOULDIN, after disclaiming the responsibility factories. the debate which had taken place on his simple call f Mr. MITCHELL here asked leave to explain. What information, and expressing his desire to be introduced he had said was, that the agricultural interest of New any one of the twenty gentlemen in the House to whe England was too small to be of any account when com- the gentleman from Connecticut had alluded, proceed pared with that of the Union. to the inquiry, whether the amendment as modified di Mr. HUNTINGTON resumed, and said that he should or did not, cover the ground of the original resolutio not enter into the statistics of the agriculture of New and whether the inquiry ought to be sent to the Cor England, nor was it required, on that or any other occa-mittee on Manufactures. He read the amendment, am sion, to vindicate her character. New England spoke for went on to show, from the extreme generality of th herself. language employed, that it was calculated, instead of P ducing a statement of facts, rather to elicit an elabora report on the effect of the tariff upon all the interes in the Union. For the country had no interest that knew of which did not belong to its agriculture, con inerce, or manufactures. Mr. MITCHELL again interposed, and disclaimed having cast any reproach whatever upon New England. Mr. HUNTINGTON replied that he was very sure that the gentleman could not have intended to reproach her so long as her patriotism, her industry, and her valor were held in remembrance, and that would be until the What he had desired was a fair and precise stateme elements should dissolve with fervent heat. He was gra- of the rate of duty actually paid on each species of gove tified that his friend from South Carolina had awarded imported, and to what extent the tariff laws operated a to New England that tribute which justice demanded. a prohibition. But if the inquiry in the amendment w The gentleman had remarked that the glory of New to be put and fairly answered, the reply must be a book England had proceeded from other causes than her agri-and a very good book, too. He commended the rules culture. He supposed the gentleman had alluded to her proceeding suggested by Mr. McDUFFIE, that every ge literary institutions. On this subject the gentleman was tleman should be allowed to put his own inquiries in h entitled to speak, for of all those who had graduated at own way. He professed himself ready to extend that rul her universities, none had borne a higher character, or to the gentleman from Massachusetts if it were first e given rise to more exalted hopes, than the gentleman tended to himself. The gentleman's proposition contai himself. He could wish that the gentleman had lately d one item in reference to the actual value of the poun made a journey into New England, and that he knew sterling, which most clearly pertained to the Committe what was the actual state of facts existing there. The on Commerce. But, to take an example from the pra truth was, that, instead of just being able to supply the tice of the House in reference to the President's message factories from a small circle around them, the entire agri- the gentleman's resolution ought to be dissected, and s culture of Connecticut at least (for he would speak of much of it as related to commerce should be sent to th what he knew) was sustained by her manufactories, and Committee on Commerce; so much of it as related to agr he believed he might say the same thing of all New Eng- culture, to the Committee on Agriculture; and so muc land. Nor was the labor which those factories put into as related to manufactures, to the Committee on Manu activity confined, as the gentleman seemed to suppose. He factures. Sure he was that no message they had eve would read for the information of the gentleman a few received had a more general reference to American int items from the imports into Providence and Boston during rests. Ile did not pretend that the tariff laws were i the year 1831, of articles not to be re-exported, but to complicated that it was actually impossible to get at the be consumed in New England. There had been imported meaning. But it was certainly desirable to have their a into Providence fifty-five thousand bales of cotton, seventy-tual effect plainly and distinctly stated to the America one thousand barrels of flour, two hundred and sixteen people. [The effect of which is to cut off all amendments.] But the House refused to second the motion-yeas 74 nays 84. thousand bushels of corn, and seven thousand of rye. Mr. THOMPSON, of Georgia, professing that his onl Into Boston there had been imported fifty-three thousand object was to put an end to the debate, moved the prev bales of cotton, two hundred and eighty-four thousand ous question. barrels of flour, six hundred and eighty-one thousand of corn, two hundred and thirty thousand of oats, fifty thousand of rye, and one hundred and thirty thousand of other grain. Who were they that consumed this immense The question now recurring on the amendment of M amount of provision? Was he not justified in saying that DAVIS, and the House being ready for the vote, the manufactures not only sustained the agriculture of Mr. TAYLOR, of New York, demanded that it be take New England, but a respectable portion of that of other by yeas and nays; which was ordered. States also? He suspected that on reflection the gentle- Mr. CAMBRELENG said that, if the question be take man from South Carolina would not feel much disposed by yeas and nays, he should vote for the amendment, to press his argument. order to get rid of the inquiry. Mr. H. concluded with a few remarks on the object and phraseology of Mr. Davis's amendment. posed to the tariffs of 1816 and 1824. The question was then decided by yeas and nays, follows: Mr. APPLETON now made a few explanatory re- YEAS.-Messrs. Chilton Allan, Allison, Appleton, Art marks in reply to what Mr. CAMBRELENG had previously strong, Arnold, Babcock, Banks, Noyes Barber, Barstov said, and wished to know whether that gentleman had Isaac C. Bates, Beardsley, Briggs, Bucher, Bullard, C intended to include him among those who had been op- hoon, Cambreleng, Choate, Collier, Lewis Condict, Sil Condit, Eleutheros Cooke, Bates Cooke, Cooper, Corwi Mr. CAMBRELENG replied that he had never had the Coulter, Crane, Crawford, Creighton, John Davis, Daya pleasure of knowing the gentleman from Massachusetts Dearborn, Denny, Dewart, Dickson, Doddridge, Dra before the present session, but he knew that the gentlemen ton, Ellsworth, George Evans, Joshua Evans, Edwal from Massachusetts had generally voted against the tariff Everett, Horace Everett, Findlay, Ford, Gilmore, Gre of those years, and he understood from a most respectable nell, Heister, Hogan, Horn, Hughes, Hunt, Huntingto manufacturer of New England that the most of them had thrie, Ingersoll, Irvin, Jenifer, Jewett, Kendall, John Kin Mr. APPLETON then said that, if any one had given McCoy, McKennan, Mercer, Milligan, Muhlenberg, Ne Henry King, Lansing, Leavitt, Marshall, Maxwell, Robe him that information with respect to himself, the person ton, Pearce, Pendleton, Pierson, Pitcher, Potts, Randolp had been entirely mistaken. John Reed, Edward C. Reed, Russel, Slade, Southar been free trade men. JAN. 23, 1832.] Sandusky Road. [H. of R. Stanberry, Stewart, Storrs, Sutherland, Taylor, Philemon heretofore presented to Congress, in reference to that Thomas, John Thomson, Tompkins, Tracy, Vance, Vin- subject, be referred to the said Committee on Internal Imton, Wardwell, Watmough, Wilkin, Wheeler, Elisha provements. Whittlesey, Frederick Whittlesey, Edward D. White, Mr. STEWART said he should be glad to hear some Young.-99. explanation of the facts which seemed to be taken for NAYS.-Messrs. Adams, Adair, Alexander, Anderson, granted by the terms of the resolution; and further sugAngel, Archer, Barnwell, Barringer, James Bates, Bell, gested to the gentleman from Ohio the propriety of so Bergen, Bethune, John Blair, Bouck, Bouldin, Branch, modifying the resolution as to make it provide for an apJohn C. Brodhead, John Brodhead, Carr, Carson, Chan-propriation of money instead of land. dler, Chinn, Claiborne, Clay, Clayton, Coke, Conner, Mr. COOKE said he had not contemplated going into a Craig, Davenport, Warren R. Davis, Doubleday, Felder, discussion of the merits of the proposition submitted Fitzgerald, Foster, Gaither, Gordon, Griffin, Thomas H. by the resolution, nor would he do so at this time; but, Hall, William Hall, Hammons, Harper, Hawes, Hawkins, for the information of the gentleman from Pennsylvania, Hoffman, Holland, Hubbard, Isacks, Jarvis, Richard M. he would briefly state the grounds upon which he placed Johnson, Cave Johnson, Charles C. Johnston, Kavanagh, its claim to the favorable consideration of the House. The Kerr, Lecompte, Lewis, Mardis, Mason, William McCoy, resolution, Mr. C. said, assumed the position that the conMcDuffie, McIntire, Thomas R. Mitchell, Newnan, Nuck-struction of the road therein named was incumbent upon olls, Patton, Polk, Rencher, Roane, Root, William B. the Government in virtue of the stipulations of the treaty Shepard, Augustine H. Shepperd, Soule, Speight, Stan- of Brownstown, and proposed an inquiry into the expedidifer, Francis Thomas, Wiley Thompson, Verplanck, ency of carrying those stipulations into effect. It would Ward, Wayne, Campbell P. White, Wickliffe, Wilde, be seen, therefore, that the claim which it exhibited to Worthington.--82. the aid of the Government, rested upon a principle entirely different from that of ordinary applications of a similar character. It was based not alone upon that wise policy, with respect to the means of promoting the sale of "And that said committee further inquire, and report, the public lands, which had received the sanction of every as to the prices paid in the United States for cotton, wool-administration since the organization of the Government; len, iron, and other manufactures, before the passage of but it was founded also upon the express obligations of a the tariff acts of 1816, '24, and '28, and what the prices public treaty, and upon the subsequent recognition, by Congress, of the validity of these obligations. Let us recur, said Mr. C., to the facts. By an examination of the treaty of Brownstown, it would be seen that the United States were, at the time of its conclusion, the owners of a large tract of land within the Territory of Michigan, and that the settlements thereon were divided from the settlements in the State of Ohio by a vast tract of land belong. ing to the Indian tribes. That the Indians, in consideration of the benefit they should derive from the construction Mr. NUCKOLLS moved to amend the amendment of of the several roads described in the treaty, ceded to the Mr. STEWART, by adding the following: United States a quantity of land therein named, amounting "And, also, what would be the cost of the several ar-to more than sixty thousand acres, together with the pri ticles if the tariff were now repealed." So the amendment of Mr. DAVIS was agreed to. Mr. STEWART, of Pennsylvania, now offered the following additional amendment: thereof have been since." Mr. BATES, of Maine, said that if this proposition was adopted, he should wish to add an amendment to it. But as this would occupy some time, he moved an adjournment. The motion was negatived by a large majority. The question then recurring on the amendment of Mr. STEWART, Mr. INGERSOLL moved the previous question; but the House refused to second the motion. vilege of taking, at all times, such timber and other mate Mr. EVERETT, observing that as he had voted for the rials from the adjacent lands as might be necessary for previous question, when its effect, if carried, would have making and keeping in repair the said roads and the been to cut off the amendment of the gentleman from bridges that might be required along the same. No doubt, Pennsylvania, hoped he should not be accused of par- therefore, could be for a moment entertained of the oblitiality in now renewing the motion for the previous ques-gations of the Government to construct the roads named tion, which he did accordingly. The House sustained the call-yeas 90, nays 68. words: "Shall the main question now be put?" Mr. NUCKOLLS demanded that the vote should be taken by yeas and nays; but, before it was taken, Mr. POLK moved that the House adjourn; which motion prevailed-yeas 92, nays 76. And thereupon the House adjourned. MONDAY, JANUARY 23. SANDUSKY ROAD. in the treaty. Nothing, however, was done on the part of Congress in execution of these obligations, until the first session of the twelfth Congress, when the act of December 12, 1811, fully recognised their force; directed the President to take the necessary measures to carry them into execution, and declared, in the language of the second section, "that the same roads shall be opened and made under the direction of the President of the United States." Shortly after this, it was known to the House the war of 1812 was declared. The whole Northwestern frontier was surrendered to the enemy; and the Government found enough to do in repelling invasion, and sustaining the independence and honor of the nation, without engaging in the work of digging stumps, and constructing Mr. COOKE, of Ohio, moved the following resolution: turnpikes. From this period, therefore, the whole matResolved, That the Committee on Internal Improve- ter slumbered, except, I believe, the bare marking of the ments be instructed to inquire into the expediency of route, by order of the President, until the passage of the making an appropriation in lands, for the purpose of lay-act of February 28, 1823, which authorized the State of ing out and constructing a road, to run southwardly from Ohio to open and construct so much of the said roads deLower Sandusky, in the State of Ohio, to the boundary scribed in the treaty as lay between the Maumee rapids Line established by the treaty of Greenville, as stipulated and the western boundary of the Connecticut Western by the treaty of Brownstown, between the United States reserve, and granted to the State a quantity of land in trust and the several Indian tribes northwest of the river Ohio; for that purpose. and according to the provisions of the act of Congress The State of Ohio accepted the terms of the proposition, passed December 12, 1811; and that the preamble and took upon herself the execution of the trust, and, within resolutions of the General Assembly of the State of Ohio, the time limited by the act, completed the construction of VOL. VIII.-102 |