Consequently at this point there was a great gap in the system of defence; a defect met by the construction of extensive works, on the plan organized for the defence of Sebastopol by General Todleben, between Mont Valérien and the sides of Meudon, at Montretout, which commanded the valleys of Sévres and Ville d'Avray. The extreme diameter is that between Mont Valérien and the Fort de Nogent. It follows exactly the parallel, and at a distance of 27,000 paces, or nearly eleven miles; while in the southern direction the greatest distance between St. Denis and the fort of Bicêtre is 20,000 paces, or eight miles. A line of circumference joining the exterior forts would be twentysix miles, or twelve and a half hours' march. All the exterior forts possess bastions, and the forts of Noisy, Rosny, and Nogent have hornworks. The scarps and counterscarps are as high as those of the fortifications of Paris; covered ways, with trenches of masonry and bomb-proof powder magazines, are everywhere. All the forts communicate by telegraph with Paris, and with each other.

To place the fortifications in a condition for active defence, at the period at which we interrupted our narrative, in order to give the preceding description of them, 12,000 "navvies" worked day and night to cut through the roads and carry the fosse completely round the walls. The smaller gates were blocked up by the banks of earth and strengthened on the inside by palisades. Dams were constructed across the Seine by which the waters could be forced into the trenches. Three gates only, those of Bercy, Italy, and Orleans, were left open, which were approached by drawbridges and defended by massive outworks. The trees which grew upon the glacis were cut down to within a foot or two of the ground, and the sharpened stumps left standing to impede the advance of a storming party. On every bastion from eight to ten twelve-pounders were mounted to the number of about 1200, and the outlying forts were armed with heavy naval breech-loaders, throwing projectiles of great weight, and served by marine artillerymen. From St. Denis to Vincennes, and thence to Issy, the forts are so close that their cross-fire sweeps the intervening space; and between Issy and Mont Valérien to St. Denis, as before stated, intermediate works were constructed.

These detached forts, thus placed with reference to the range of their guns, and supporting one another, were capable of filling the spaces between

them as with a hail of iron or a wall of fire. Within their protection an army could manœuvre with freedom, or retreat in safety. The actual armaments of the detached forts-which were subsequently materially strengthened by supplementary defences were approximately as follows:-The southern forts, Issy, Vanves, Montrouge, Bicêtre, and Ivry, mounted from forty to seventy guns each; the eastern forts, Charenton, Nogent, Noisy, Rosny, Romainville, and Aubervilliers, from fifty to seventy; the northern forts of St. Denis, Forts de l'Est, du Nord, and de l'Ouest, from forty to sixty guns; and Mont Valérien, the only fort on the western side of the city, was armed with about eighty cannon. There was also a strong field of artillery drawn up in the Champs Elysées, the Palais de l'Industrie, and other localities.

Besides upwards of 2000 heavy guns mounted on the forts and ramparts of the city, and manned by 18,000 sailors, the flower of the French navy, several light gun-boats were launched upon the Seine, to assist in the defence of the city, placed under the command of Captain Thomaset. These small vessels were very broad in the beam in proportion to length, being iron-plated, and the decks were covered with iron. Each vessel contained two guns, pointing forward in a line with the keel, with a slight training limit to each side. Two large helms with double screw were fixed, and in six small projections on each side the forecastle, covered loop-holes for musketry.

While, however, the French authorities were putting Paris into a state of defence, the Germans had the most minute information of every addition to the fortifications. The officers were furnished with maps of France more complete than any which the French possessed; and in particular the defences of the capital were perhaps not better known to M. Thiers and General Trochu than to Count von Bismarck and General von Moltke.

During the last days of August, as the situation grew more serious, an improved tone was manifested by the inhabitants of the capital. General Trochu likewise showed great activity in the organization of the troops, and took energetic measures for the expulsion of German residents from Paris. To effect this the following decree was issued:

"Article 1. Every person not a naturalized Frenchman, and belonging to one of the countries actually at war with France, is called upon to quit Paris and the department of the Seine within the

A further order was issued to rid Paris of that loose class of society which finds its opportunity in times of national trouble. Accordingly a great number of arrests were made from the disreputable dens and suspicious cafés of the city; while a raid was made upon the ranks of the courtesans, whose language and gestures after arrest were a public scandal. Several thousands of these worse than "useless mouths" were conveyed to villages outside the fortifications. Most of the theatres were also closed, the musicians and other attendants joining the ranks of the army. There was moreover a voluntary exodus of the well-to-do classes, of ladies and children, and of foreigners of all nationalities, who hurried to the railway stations in order to escape from the city. Side by side with the movement outward, thousands of farmers and peasants living in the environs flocked in with vehicles crammed with furniture, and waggons laden with corn and flour and all kinds of agricultural produce. This immigration was hastened by the action of the government, who had invited farmers to deposit their stores in the municipal warehouses free of all charge, and threatened that all grain remaining outside the walls would be burnt, to prevent it falling into the hands of the enemy. Huge droves of sheep and cattle arrived from the provinces, and were placed in the beautiful grounds of the Bois de Boulogne and other open spaces; the pens covered many acres, and a market was rapidly constructed. The preparations to receive the invaders were made with a ruthless hand. The handsome entrance gates from the Avenue de l'Impératrice to the Bois de Boulogne gave way to a massive bulwark in stone; the line of gilded railings at La Muette was replaced by a high wall, loopholed for musketry; and the woods upon the glacis were cut down.

The danger to the capital effectually roused the nation. Recruits poured into the various depôts with

great rapidity. Regiment after regiment passed through Paris for the protection of its outer defences; masses of gardes mobiles were drilled at the camp of St. Maur, and thousands volunteered for the corps. of francs-tireurs and other irregular troops. Many aged men, among whom were Auber the composer, and Carnot, grandson of the celebrated military organizer mentioned in Chapter V., also joined the ranks. Fortunately, too, although composed of most discordant elements, the various bodies of defenders showed great confidence in the character and sagacity of the governor.

The ministry of Count Palikao, while displaying great activity in raising troops to meet the contingency, by calling out all old soldiers between twenty-five and thirty-five years of age, all officers formerly in the army up to sixty, and all ablebodied generals up to seventy, also put forth strenuous efforts to obtain the necessary military equipments. Large demands were made upon foreign markets, and much satisfaction was felt at the discovery of 300,000 Chassepots which were not known to be in store. The patriotism of the people at this juncture was strikingly manifested in the readiness with which they replenished the coffers of the government. On the 21st of August a decree was issued announcing a new loan for the sum of 750,000,000 francs (about £30,000,000). The subscription opened on the 23rd, and on the 25th the Official Journal stated that more than the amount had been received.

The proceedings in the Corps Législatif during this period of intense interest to the Parisians, were of a most unsatisfactory nature, and similar scenes to those recorded in Chapter IX. were repeated in the Chamber. Great difficulty continually arose from the incapacity of the Legislature.

There was, however, one honourable exception. M. Thiers, who so boldly opposed the declaration of hostilities, and was reviled by the Chamber for doing so, forgot past slights, and applied himself with all the vigour and ardour of youth to the work of the national defence. His appointment by the government to the Committee of Defence was approved by acclamation of the Chamber; and a few words of his address. are worthy a place in the records of the crisis. Although his voice was feeble, there was something peculiarly impressive in the tone and manner in which he said:—" Believe me, gentlemen, that I do not desire at this moment to create difficulties

for the government or for you, for they would also be difficulties for the country itself; but I have all my life endeavoured to keep my conduct perfectly clear, not in the eyes of blind partisans, for whom nothing is clear, but with just and prudent men. And I cannot consent that the slightest cloud of doubt should rest upon the act to day imposed upon me. What I yesterday was I to-day am; I do but bring an unofficial and devoted co-operation to the common work-unfortunately a very inadequate co-operation; I say it, believe me, without false modesty! . . . The The efforts of everybody are inadequate in the emergency in which we find ourselves. I ask your pardon for these details and beg you to excuse them, but I desire that my conduct and my life shall be for my country, and for all parties whatsoever, as clear as daylight."

Subsequently, the veteran statesman of seventythree years was out for hours before breakfast, superintending the arming of the fortifications, and giving the benefit of his suggestions to the officials in charge.

But during this period the more resolute party in the Chamber was gradually gaining the upper hand, although the fierce onslaughts of the Left, generally headed by M. Gambetta, whose impetuosity was most remarkable, were pretended to be treated either with threats or contempt: while General Trochu, whose popularity was his great crime, was opposed by the empress, and regarded with ill-concealed suspicion by the cabinet, as explained more fully in the note at the end of the chapter. Count Palikao stated publicly in the Chamber that he would suffer no distribution of arms to be made to the national guard by "one of his subordinates;" and a disposition was even shown by some members of the Right to place the general at the bar of the Chamber, to ask explanations relative to his proclamation to the people and the army of Paris; but an officer so valuable as Trochu could not be sacrificed thus lightly. Ernest Picard, in the Electeur Libre, said, "We cannot believe the position of General Trochu to be seriously menaced; the government will not brave public opinion; if it has any doubt as to what that opinion is, let it go to the next review of the national guard."

It was soon felt, however, that it was no time for internal discord, and on the 26th of August M. Chevreau made the following communication

to the Corps Législatif:-"Messieurs,-The army of the Crown Prince appeared yesterday and the day before to be retreating, but it is now marching onwards. It is the duty of government to inform the Chamber, France, and the Parisian population of this fact. I need not add that the Committee of Defence is taking every measure for the eventuality of a siege. The utmost reliance may be placed on the energy of the minister of War and of the governor of Paris, and we on our part believe we may rely on the valour of the Parisian population."

This statement drew forth a spirited reply signed by the eighteen mayors of the capital:"Monsieur le Ministre,-You announced to the Corps Législatif that the enemy was marching on Paris. The citizens of our arrondissements are ready for every sacrifice, every act of devotion and courage. They will receive the enemy with calm and resolution. The inhabitants of Paris will prove to the whole world that France is still the grand nation. Let the enemy come. We await him with arms in our hands. The mayors of Paris will be in the front rank of the defenders of the country."

Notwithstanding the gravity of the situation, the Bourse held firm, and the greatest activity prevailed in the city. The Chamber, too, did not fail to applaud the gallant conduct of Strassburg, which was declared to have "merited well of the country." A firm protest was also entered by M. André against malevolent aspersions as to alleged dealings of the Protestant population of the provinces with the enemy; certain honourable pastors having been pursued with the cry of "A bas les Prussiens." The deputy was loudly cheered, and the good sense of the Chamber possibly saved the country from the dangers of a religious war.

The opening days of September brought news to Paris unfavourable to the French cause. The contending armies were closing in. Success was already attending the enemy's operations; and after being puffed up with falsehoods regarding the exploits of their army, the Parisians were rudely awakened to the truth that their two greatest generals, with the flower of their troops, had been signally defeated. In the Corps Législatif, on Saturday, September 3, Count Palikao, very much depressed, made the following statement:—

"Messieurs les Députés-I have promised to tell you the whole truth, and I am now here to keep

my promise, painful as it is to do so. The news I have to give is even yet not official; but it comes from a certain source. Marshal Bazaine, after a great engagement and some advantages, has been obliged to fall back upon Metz; but he may perhaps yet make sorties. There is the first bad news. The next is that of a battle fought near Mézières by Marshal MacMahon. There was a long series of combats attended by reverses and successes. A part of the Prussian army was driven into the Meuse; but after a terrible fight our army was obliged to retreat either to Mézières or Sedan, and a few took refuge in Belgium. There is other serious news in circulation about another battle fought by Marshal MacMahon, but as the government has no official news it cannot give details for fear of being accused of alarming the country. We therefore come here to-day to make a fresh appeal to the whole valid force of the nation. The mobile national guard is organized throughout France. A part of it will come to assist in the defence of Paris, and the rest will be sent to rein

force the regular army. I trust that France, responding to our appeal, will enable us to drive the enemy out of the country."

Thus at last the truth was told, with one allimportant reservation, that of the surrender of the emperor and his army. The statement of the minister, however, caused great agitation, and M. Jules Favre intimated that the time had come for the de facto government to cease. The country must henceforth rely on itself. Before the Chamber separated a resolution was passed that a levy en masse of the nation should be made forthwith.

The development of the crisis illustrated the truth of Carlyle's estimate of the French nature, "so full of vehemence; so free from depth." One day towards the close of August, a large black cloud hovering over Paris took a shape which was thought to betoken victory, and the crowds on the boulevards eagerly accepted the auspicious omen; on the 3rd of September, when the news of defeat began to spread among the citizens, their depressed and despairing attitude was saddening to witness; next day, when the news was received of the crowning disaster of Sedan and the capture of the emperor, Parisians, frantic with joy, were rushing into each others arms, and shouting and singing with the glee of school-boys set free for a holiday. In the cry of “Vive la République!" they forgot the awful peril of their position; that the enemy was

steadily advancing; that the flower of their army had been cut down on the red battle-field; and that the effective force with which they could oppose the victorious Prussians was comparatively small and inefficient. Enough that Paris had effected a revolution, and was delivered from imperialism!

But the events of this day, September 4, must form the first subject of the succeeding chapter of our narrative.

"Two

The progress of events which led to the collapse of the imperial régime in France naturally caused great satisfaction throughout Germany. The opening victories of the campaign inspired her people with confidence, and prepared them for the news of further successes. Great irritation, however, was felt at the manner in which their opponents professed to regard their victories. Even the defeat of MacMahon at Woerth and Frossard at Forbach were made light of, and the Vosges mountains, according to French journalists, were to be the grave of the Prussian troops. more such victories as they had won, and the German army would cease to exist." Such statements, so little in accordance with the facts, incited the Germans to caricature the failure of the French programme, and to display cartoons the reverse of flattering, especially after receipt of the news that Nancy, the chief city of Lorraine, had capitulated without a battle in its defence, thus placing in the hands of the Germans the direct line of railway between Metz and Paris.

The issue of the hard-fought battles around Metz produced in Germany a subdued feeling of exultation. The people saw the importance of the advantage obtained by their commanders in isolating Marshal Bazaine and cutting in two the army of the Rhine; but they had hardly the heart to exult over the news of victory so dearly purchased. As the king had written to his queen from the battle-field that he could scarcely bring himself to ask after his acquaintances, so many of them were dead or maimed, the joy of the inhabitants generally was sensibly damped by the same cause. The terrible slaughter of the 16th and 18th August more particularly cast a gloom over the nation. At Berlin the people received the news with melancholy thankfulness, and no demonstrations were made in the streets. But in the absence of outward displays, their interest in the sanguinary

events of the war was the more intense, and the wish to prevent a recurrence of them was general. Although the German army was not composed of mercenary soldiers, but citizens in uniform, the pith and flower of the country, who were being slaughtered in those murderous contests, the universal cry was to "put down France," and render it impossible for her again to indulge in "military promenades" at the expense of her neighbours. In fact, though shocked at the frightful bloodshed and the untold miseries it entailed upon their families, the Germans were yet firmly determined to crush the enemy before mentioning terms.

Germany indeed had sad experience that close upon the heels of victory follows the ghastly shadow of suffering. Into the larger cities of the Fatherland, after the sanguinary battles of the middle of August, poured continuous streams of wounded men, many with the impress of death upon their faces. Train after train brought regiment upon regiment of sufferers, stretched on beds extemporized to receive them; all the surgeons available, besides many strangers and foreign volunteers, troops of sisters of charity and bands of girl and woman nurses, assiduously sought to relieve the sufferings of the wounded, and friends and enemies were treated with equal kindness. Especially in the earlier stages of the war, the Germans displayed great general philanthropy, and their kindness to the individual Frenchman was beyond all praise. That, however, which raised their indignation was the employment of the Turcos, who even when wounded bit at the very fingers which tended them, and actually attempted to outrage the sisters of charity. For that crime ten of their number were shot off-hand at Berlin in one day. "Conceive," said the Germans, "these men masters of our towns, with our wives and daughters at their mercy;" and they became the more embittered against the French.

A sterner feeling was also enkindled among many by the lavish attentions bestowed upon the French wounded and other prisoners by German ladies. In the Cologne Gazette, a well-known authoress (Fanny Lewald) reminded them that such benevolent proceedings had their limits, and, addressing the women of Germany, concluded with the following:-" You would not be worthy of the German men who are standing in the field for us and our country if you could forget but for a moment who are the authors of the fearful

misfortune brought upon hundreds of thousands of Germans, if you could forget what you owe to the memory of our fallen heroes, to the anguish of the mourners, to your country, to your fellow-women, and to your own dignity. We should not forget the man in the prisoner, the wounded, the Frenchman; but we should not, and will not, forget that he is at this moment our enemy and the enemy of our country. Let him testify on his return that we are merciful and know what is becoming, and what we owe to ourselves. Do not let us substantiate the caricatures with which, at the expense of German women, French vanity and immorality filled the soldiers knapsacks when they started." Indeed the hostile feeling towards both the French government and people was manifestly deepening, and such articles as the following from the Staats Anzeiger found a hearty response in public opinion:

In

"Three battles have been fought in the short space of time between the 14th and the 18th. each of them the main army of the French, headed by the guards and commanded by its most able generals, has been defeated. Let us place laurel wreaths on the coffins of our departed brothers, to whose self-sacrifice we are indebted for these victories; but let us acknowledge that we are witnessing a judgment of God Almighty. God is punishing a people ich obstinately persists in insolence and blindness even in the hour of trial, and of whose moral depravity we see such appalling proofs before us. High and low in France behave at this moment with equal frivolity. Lies are incessantly propagated at our expense, to stir the passions of the populace against us. A hollow grandiloquence appeals in vain to the patriotism of the inhabitants. Fanatic party divisions interfere with all real devotion to the country, and as they cannot vanquish our armies they presume to hate us as a race, and to injure, oppress, and expel the few Germans living among them. The infamies perpetrated against German residents in France will be a lasting stain upon that country. In the meantime, our sons and brothers are fighting the good fight of Germany. Many have already sealed with their blood the vow they took; none have given way before the enemy, and all have manifested that spirit of moral elevation and discipline, the symbol of which the Prussian colours have ever been. We celebrate their exploits, and we