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carried on in elaborately ornate but clumsy craft, able to sail but little, if at all, into the wind, and actually carrying cargoes of from one to ten tons of merchandise. Yet, from time out of mind, in these crude little vessels the Sulus have carried on trade between points hundreds of miles apart; these long voyages being accomplished by taking advantage of the monsoons and their changes to travel always with the wind. Their pearl-fishing is carried on with greater skill, though in a manner which leaves ample room for improvement.
The industries of the Samals have been mentioned above, and it need only be added that they are carried on with the utmost crudeness. The Maguindanaos are an agricultural and a trading people. Their agriculture is carried on in the same crude manner as is that of the Sulus. Their trade, carried on chiefly with the pagan tribes of the interior, shades off quite strongly toward piracy; many a pagan producer fearing to refuse whatever the Maguindanao "merchant" may offer for his product. This trade is largely in very crude gutta-percha, gums used for varnishes, beeswax, and other forest products. In collecting these, the Maguindanaos also take an active part. The Malanaos are almost exclusively an agricultural people. In spite of the crudeness of their implements and methods, their fields would be creditable, in all except depth of cultivation and fertilization, to the best farmers in America. The pagans are devoted to agriculture and the gathering of forest products. Their methods are incredibly primitive, the bolo, or bush-knife, in the hands of a man frequently having to do the duty of a plough.
The Mohammedans of the Moro province appreciate and exemplify the teachings of their Prophet in about the same degree in which the Christians of the more northerly parts of the islands appreciate and exemplify the teachings of the lowly Galilean. The religions of the pagans seem to have little vitality, little hold upon the people, and no bearing upon conduct aside from gross acts of worship. A very small percentage of the Moros have acquired the ability to pronounce at sight, though entirely without understanding, the Arabic words found in certain portions of the Koran. A still smaller percentage can read and write, with Arabic characters, their own languages. No one of these peoples, however, has any written literature worthy of the name, and no one has even literary standards for the writing of letters. Every personal idiosyncrasy of pronunciation or construction is expressed in writing without restraint. To the pagans, almost without exception, letters are a foreign mystery.
The Christian population of the province, though important in itself,
requires no discussion here, since it differs in no essential feature from the same population in other parts of the Philippines. It will be seen without discussion, however, that it adds one complication to an already complicated problem in government.
This hasty view of conditions suggests in outline the work which the government of the Moro province is called upon to perform. In general, it is called upon to promote the natural development of these people, and not to "Americanize" them, after the manner of the American Indians. The conditions are altogether different, and in this particular the problem is simpler than was the Indian problem. The Indians were an exceedingly sparse population, occupying a land which the white race needed for the purpose of establishing homes. For centuries hosts of home-seekers have been crowding into the lands held by a few Indians too primitive to really use the land over which they and their ancestors had freely roamed. The manifest destiny of the red man has been and is either assimilation with the white race or with the ashes of his ancestors. The fact that the changes he is called upon to make are contrary to the laws of nature as revealed in the history of human development, that at best he cannot be expected to become more than an inferior imitation white man, may add a touch of pathos to his destiny, but cannot alter it. On the other hand, the peoples of this province are comparatively numerous, and their lands are at present neither needed nor desired for homes by the white race. White men are here to make money, not to make homes. They are not likely to become predominant in numbers for some centuries to come. They are sure to be an important, though transient, element in the population; but their interests must be bound up with those of the lower peoples. The development of these peoples can be best promoted with due and full regard for the laws of nature as revealed in history.
The Moro peoples have attained the degree of civilization which fits them for feudalism, and not for any of the more advanced forms of government. Cannot this and some of the historically succeeding stages of development be skipped? Answering this question with another, cannot my child obtain release from the laws of gravitation and learn to walk without having developed the strength necessary to sustain his natural weight, and without reference to equilibrium? The lessons of feudalism are as essential to the future progress of these peoples as are weight and equilibrium to the act of walking. Feudalism has its place in the economy of nature, and in its place is good. Nature, as revealed in history, calls upon the new government of the Moro province to
assume the feudal overlordship of these peoples, to teach them law and order as between tribes, and, by influence as far as possible and by force as a last resort, to ameliorate the government of the tribes by the datos. Thus will the Moro come to feel secure in person and in property, and he will consider it no hardship to lay aside his arms and devote himself to pursuits of peace. This feeling of security will foster acquisitiveness, which in turn may be used as a spur to industry. Perhaps in no other particular does the Moro need assurance of his rights more than in the tenure of his lands. In many cases his ancestors were holding these lands long before Columbus discovered America; and justice and policy alike demand that he be given irrevocable recognition of his ownership to the lands which he occupies and uses. Nothing will tend more strongly toward peace and advancement among these peoples than the accumulation of wealth. To this end the Government may do well to put forth very definite efforts to foster industries, not fearing to apply paternal, medieval, if you will methods to medieval conditions.
The pagans are not quite so far advanced as are the Moros, yet this scheme of government will need but slight modifications to meet their requirements.
What of education in the Moro province? The answer is too long for this paper. Yet it may be said that no new principle of education is involved in this work, but only an intelligent and very courageous application to conditions as they exist in this province of the best we know of those principles. HENRY SCHULER TOWNSEND.
THE AFFAIRS OF THE CONGO STATE.
A SEVERE arraignment of the colonial policy of the Belgians in the Congo State, by missionaries and English writers, has caused parliamentary action in England, and has created much press comment in America. Accusations about unjust treatment of natives by white governments have been heard before. They are a favorite theme with the press, a convenient club for the politician, and a subject of acrimonious discussion everywhere. Every civilized nation has been fiercely assailed in this way. The English denounced the Boers for their cruelties to the Kaffirs; the Boers alleged British injustice to the Zulus; the British anathematized the French in Madagascar; the French denounced the British in Ashantee; the Germans sheltered the Sultan of Zanzibar fleeing from British marines, and the British were ready to fight the Kaiser; the French rejoiced at Menelik's victory over the Italians, and the Russians held up hands in horror at German barbarity in Pekin; while the missionary world has denounced England for the opium trade in China, and seems to be devoutly praying for the Union Jack to wave over Congo. Here in America we hear that America's cruelties in the Philippines are scarcely less flagrant than were Spain's in Cuba. So the game goes merrily on; and meanwhile the poor native, as Sambo said of the negro in the American Civil War, is still the bone between the dogs, and gets gnawed whatever the outcome. Poor bone!
The latest accusations are perhaps more blood-curdling than any before. The Southern States have been denounced for cruelty to negroes -they do shoot, hang, and burn them occasionally-but the kingdom of Belgium is said to cut the hands off living people, to bury women. alive, to cause those slain by its orders to be eaten, and to be the most greedy, tyrannous, unjust, and cruel Government ever yet tolerated by civilized mankind.
These charges are such as to require some brief history of the origin and career of the Congo State. The late Sir H. M. Stanley completed his descent of the Congo, the feat which revealed the immense basin of that river to the world, in 1877. All the interior of that basin was then unclaimed territory. The Portuguese claimed the mouth of the river,
and, according to international law, might base thereupon a claim to the hinterland. The British claimed up to the southern watershed, the Germans had designs east of Tanganyika, while the French were installed on the northwestern frontier, and the British on the remaining eastern and northeastern sides. But the basin itself was not occupied. Stanley first traversed it under the American flag. England received him coldly. America heard with considerable wonder and much incredulity that it was the real property of Gordon Bennett and the "New York Herald." But America had a big black problem of her own and vast Western territory yet unfilled. England had African problems of the most difficult kind already on hand. The Boers on the South, the Mahdi on the North, and the Ashantee on the West made a mouthful of the Congo seem then too large for digestion. The full lion rarely attacks. England paid little practical heed to Stanley's rapturous descriptions. France was nursing her wounds, Germany was assimilating AlsaceLorraine, and nobody but little Portugal seemed to care anything for the Congo.
Then there came a new royal figure upon the arena of international political eminence. Leopold II was the second of Belgium's rulers since the downfall of Bonaparte. He was a cousin of Queen Victoria. He came of the same general stock which has been ruling Europe in Germany, Russia, Austria, and England for many centuries. Moreover, he was a product of that renaissance of royal potency which has been as much a characteristic of late modern Europe as has been the rise of democratic government. He was a man of personal vigor. When Stanley was seeking help for the development of his El Dorado, and finding little save laughter and jibes, Leopold came forward and laid his private purse at the explorer's service. The King had been previously interested in Africa in his capacity as a member of the AntiSlavery Society.
But Belgium had long been exceedingly democratic. The King could not pledge his country officially to the enterprise, for it was a speculation at the best. He went into it in a purely personal and private capacity. Several eminent men joined in with him and Stanley, among them General Sanford of Florida; while Senator Morgan, of Alabama, Mr. John A. Kasson, and a few other American public men were interested in a general and benevolent way in the undertaking. These gentlemen formed a sort of chartered company, known as the "Association Internationale Africaine." It was not a sovereign government in any sense. This association made King Leopold its president, and sent