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brain developed which has remained relatively fixed in all times and among all races. This brain will never have any faculty in addition to what it now possesses, because as a type of structure it is as fixed as the species itself, and is indeed a mark of species. It is not apparent either that we are greatly in need of another faculty, or that we could make use of it even if by a chance mutation it should emerge, since with the power of abstraction we are able to do any class of work we know anything about. We have no reason to believe either that the brain or the average intelligence of our race has improved or deteriorated within historical time. If we have more than the wisdom of our ancestors, it is certainly only in the accumulated materials of knowledge, and not in human faculty; and certainly nature is not producing a better grade of mind now than in the time of Aristotle and the Greeks. On the other hand, the individual brain is unstable, fluctuating in normal persons between 1,100 and 2,000 grams in weight, while the extremes of variation are represented, on the one side, by the imbecile with 300 grams, and the man of genius with 2,000, on the other.

It is therefore perfectly true that by artificial selection - Mr. Galton's “eugenism ” — a larger average brain could be created, and also a higher average of natural intelligence, whether this be absolutely dependent on brain weight or not. But it is hardly to be expected that a stable brain above the capacity of those of the first rank now and in the past will result, since the mutations of nature are more radical than the breeding process of man, and she probably ran the whole gamut. "Great men lived before Agamemnon," and individual variations will continue to occur, but not on a different pattern; and what has been true in the past will happen again in the future, that the group which by hook or by crook comes into possession of the best technique and the best copies will make the best show of intelligence and march at the head of civilization. W. I. THOMAS.

THE FORUM.

VOL. XXXVI, NO. 3.

JANUARY-MARCH, 1905.

NEW YORK:

THE FORUM PUBLISHING COMPANY.

COPYRIGHT, 1904,

BY THE FORUM PUBLISHING COMPANY.

PRE88 OF

THE PUBLISHERS' PRINTING COMPANY

82, 84 LAFAYETTE PLACE

NEW YORK

The Forum

JANUARY, 1905.

AMERICAN POLITICS.

THE Presidential election of 1904 must always stand as an epoch in the political history of the United States. It was a memorable event, not because the result was unexpected, but because a popular verdict of such tremendous proportions has never been equalled.

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At the time of the writing of my last contribution to THE FORUM, the campaign was in progress and the reëlection of President Roosevelt was predicted as the natural result of indications then perceptible. No one could have then foretold—and, in fact, no one did foretell that President Roosevelt would receive the unprecedented popular plurality of over 2,500,000 votes, that he would be given the electoral vote of every State which has ever been in the Republican column, and that, in addition, he would sweep Missouri from her old Democratic moorings. The popular pluralities received by McKinley over Bryan, 849,000, and by Grant over Greeley, 762,000, which had previously been regarded as almost unapproachable, fade into insignificance beside the enormous total placed to President Roosevelt's credit. Bryan was a badly defeated candidate in 1900, when McKinley's majority in the electoral college was 137 votes; but Judge Parker was buried under the greater majority of 196.

It is not my purpose, at this late day, to review the campaign, which, after an uneventful progress of several weeks, ended in a whirlwind of sensational charges and denials, nor to examine, except briefly, into the factors which entered into the result. The chief element,

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undoubtedly, was the personality of President Roosevelt, which appealed with great force to the American people. It was pointed out in THE FORUM months ago that the Democrats were in error when they forced a personal fight upon the President. They could not make the country believe that he was not to be trusted. The very characteristics which the Democratic orators held up to ridicule were the ones which attract the average American - the energy which does not hesitate to act even at the risk of making a mistake; the courage which does not fear to speak without regard to consequences; the instinct which exposes and condemns official misdoing with more impulsiveness than caution. The Democrats characterized President Roosevelt as strenuous, erratic, and unsafe; but they could not disguise the fact that the forcefulness of his individuality compelled admiration, and they could not question his honesty. The result of the election was, therefore, a great personal tribute to the President, a tribute emphasized in more than one State where the electoral vote was given to him while the same voters placed a candidate of the opposite party in the gubernatorial chair. It was the belief that he had the courage and the ability to protect the interests of all, to give everybody a square deal, that won him the adherence of millions of American citizens.

The positive character of Mr. Roosevelt appeared in decided contrast to the superabundant caution and vacillation of Judge Parker. The latter did not, at any time during the campaign, appear to marked advantage. There are intimations that he was badly advised; but whether this be true or not, his actions disconcerted many of his followers. He shifted his position with every change of tide. At one time, he would not leave Esopus or make any speeches beyond the shelter of his own porch; at another time, he was being whirled in a special train through many States, delivering addresses twice and thrice a day. The climax came when he repeatedly charged that Chairman Cortelyou had been transferred by the President from the Department of Commerce and Labor to the head of the Republican national committee in order to compel contributions from corporations, under penalty of exposing information obtained from them while occupying the former position. Of all the mistakes made in the campaign this was the most nearly fatal. It was a direct charge of blackmail, asserted and reasserted until it permeated the public mind. It was an assertion which, if true, would have heaped obloquy upon Mr. Cortelyou and consigned the President to deserved defeat. Every one who knew Mr. Cortelyou knew him to be a man of clean hands; but, of course, the great major

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