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has been made acquainted with the situation of the inhabitants of La Vendée and the Chouans, as well as from the Paris newspapers. They will do well to consider, whether the French government can have any degree of confidence, that they can reap the least advantage from that union. The advantages of the peace in that quarter have been entirely in favour of La Vendée and Britanny, and not of the republic; the inhabitants have gained by the treaty, and lost nothing. The republic has no right to any accession of strength from this district of the kingdom. Were they subject to requisitions? or did they furnish recruits for the army? or did they increase the treasure of the country? By the articles of their submission to the laws of the republic, if they are reported truly, they are in fact an independent government, from which what are called patriots are excluded. The state of La Vendée was directly the reverse of that of Holland; and if that country was not an accession of strength to the republic, is it not a confession of the weakness of the government, that they found themselves under the necessity, notwithstanding all their splendid success, to enter into such a treaty as a sovereign would never have entered into but from necessity?

There is another circumstance which has been relied upon, and which I must not pass over in silence. Among other events of the day, we see that Holland and France have entered into an alliance; and that Holland is to furnish France with twelve ships of the line, and eighteen frigates. The present state of Holland makes that circumstance more favourable for this country than we had reason to expect it would have been when Holland was over-run by the French.

The question is, whether the state of France is not so weak; whether the distractions and disturbances of the country, and the discontents of the people, are not so great, as to be likely to lead to some change or new order of things, more favourable than any that has hitherto appeared? First, as to the weakness of France. We have been told by the right hon. gentleman, that there was no appearance in France of the relaxation of its efforts; that the reign of terror ended with the month of July last; and subsequent to that period they have been as successful as ever. But surely it is not very wonderful if the operations of that great [VOL. XXXII.]

and extraordinary machine had wound up the whole of that extensive empire, by all the men who were put in a state of requisition, and by all the meretricious treasure that was amassed; if so many causes operating so long, the effects were not to cease as immediately as the causes. The effects in their operation survive the causes: but have the French acquired fresh vigour? Whoever has taken any pains to look at the number and efforts of their armies, and state of the provisions and magazines, and attends to the manner in which requisitions have been carried on; whoever reads the accounts the members of the Convention give of themselves; whoever reads their speeches; whoever trusts to their own account of themselves;

these all prove that the vigour and exertion of that country have been evidently diminishing. In the next place, look at the state of their assignats, which for a long time has been the subject of a great deal of anxious attention to the Convention. They have been employed almost in a perpetual contest about two things, to make a constitution, and to raise their credit, by preventing an unlimited number of assignats entering into circulation. They therefore passed a decree to withdraw a certain number of them to raise their credit. The nominal value of assignats was only 251. per cent. At present they are somewhat less than 51. per cent. Their expenditure is incredible; last month it amounted to twenty-seven millions sterling, which is more than is wanted by Great Britain in the course of a year. This expense amounts to three hundred and twenty-four millions sterling per annum, which exceeds the whole national debt of Great Britain. The commerce of that country is totally extinguished, and a portion of bankruptcy mixes itself with every transaction. The next article is the price of provisions, respecting which I have received a great deal of authentic information within these few days, indeed I may say within these few hours; and the price of provisions is so very high, and scarcity prevails to such a degree, as must stop all great and extensive operations. In the next place, I doubt very much whether the provisions for the French army and navy will in future be so regularly supplied as they formerly have been. I have accounts of provisions being re-landed from on board some of the ships at Brest; and the city of Paris has been supplied by pittances from the army on [D]

Mr. Wilberforce, in reply, combated the charge of inconsistency: He had, it was true, supported the war; but a change of circumstances made him now wish to ter

the Rhine. Expressions of discontent | have trespassed too long on the patience are not confined to individuals, but are ge of the House. I conclude by observing neral, and such as come home to the door again, that I have to hope for a more faof every individual in France. What will vourable order of things, and I have no be the effect of this complicated pressure, reason to be satisfied with any attempt at how long it may be continued, or what negociation at this moment; but by a order of things may ultimately rise out of vigorous prosecution of the war for a it, I shall not pretend to say. But I short time longer, we have every reasonthink it may produce, and probably at no able prospect that we shall be able to progreat distance of time, some new order of cure for ourselves a solid, permanent, and things, more friendly to a general pacifi- honourable peace. cation, and to a regular intercourse with the other established powers of Europe. Such is the genuine prospect for all the countries of Europe, for an order of things more satisfactory than we have seen at any former period. It is owing to your perseverance in forcing them, and to which they are unequal, that they would willingly accept of peace. But because you have such a prospect at this moment, you are by no means certain that a safe and honourable peace could be obtained. That is, at this moment, premature; a continuance of your perseverance some time longer, will in all probability produce that happy effect.

Compare the situation and resources of this country, feeling for the burthens of the country, which must be felt by the poor and industrious to a certain extent, and deploring their necessity, as they must obstruct the increasing wealth of the country. Look also at the manufac tures and trade and revenue, and compare it with the expense of the war. Compare the annual expenditure of twenty or twenty-five millions sterling, to the enormous sum of twenty-seven millions sterling per month, or three hundred and twenty-four millions per annum, the sum yearly expended by France. After you have made these comparisons, tell me whether you will lay aside your exertions, under the peculiar circumstances in which you are now placed. You have laid on taxes unprecedented in their amount, but at the same time having the satisfaction to know that they are borne by the inhabitants of this country without any material severe pressure. You are provided therefore with the most ample and liberal supplies for the present campaign. But is that the case with France? No. Every month, every week, is an additional strain of the new machine, and they are not provided with any of that enormous expense which I have mentioned, but must raise it all by forced means, by requisitions, by robbery, and plunder. I

minate it. He did not make his present motion from any love of French principles he detested them. He respected Mr. Pitt's opinion, and though it might have great weight in forming his judgment, yet that judgment when once formed, he could not give up, out of respect to him, whatever confidence he might place in his wisdom or integrity. However his motion might terminate he had the satisfaction to think that he had done his duty, and was not answerable for the event.

The question being put, "That the other orders of the day be now read;" the House divided:

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1. Because the honourable footing upon which the militia was established, and has hitherto subsisted, is, as far as relates to the augmenting the Royal Artillery, undermined by this bill, inasmuch as it makes the militia a fund for the supply, and a drill for the accommodation of another corps, inasmuch as it reduces this constitutional force below the numbers covenanted by the country to be always kept complete; and inasmuch as it supplies the deficiencies it creates, not in the regular and creditable manner by which the militia is constitutionally to be supplied, and supplied to a certainty, but by

has been made acquainted with the sitetion of the inhabitants of La Tender the Chouans, as well as from ti Faus newspapers. They will do well to Do sider, whether the French governmer: can have any degree of confidence, that they can reap the least advantage from that union. The advantages of the peace in that quarter have been entirely in i vour of La Vendée and Britanny, and not of the republic; the inhabitants have gained by the treaty, and lost nothing The republic has no right to any accession of strength from this district of the dom. Were they subject to requisitions or did they furnish recruits for the army or did they increase the treasure of country? By the articles of their submi sion to the laws of the republic, if the are reported truly, they are in fact independent government, from which what are called patriots are exclude The state of La Vendée was directly reverse of that of Holland; and if the country was not an accession of streng to the republic, is it not a confession the weakness of the government, they found themselves under the nem sity, notwithstanding all their splend success, to enter into such a treaty sovereign would never have entered but from necessity?

There is another circumstance wh has been relied upon, and which I not pass over in silence. Among events of the day, we see that Hol and France have entered into an allie and that Holland is to furnish France twelve ships of the line, and eighteen i gates. The present state of Hol makes that circumstance more favou for this country than we had reason to pect it would have been when Holland over-run by the French.

The question is, whether the France is not so weak; whether the tractions and disturbances of the er and the discontents of the people so great, as to be likely to lear change or new order of thing vourable than any that has peared? First, as to the France. We have been to hon. gentleman, that there ance in France of th forts; that the

sent as to the expediency of securing ourselves in the way proposed by this vention, the co-operation of so great, a

dry power as the Emperor. The se had already decided on that point. ey had, however, reserved to themselves en the conditions should be laid before m,to judge both as to the security of

for the assistance, to the extent to oh it had been stipulated, and for the yment of the sums advanced. When message was originally brought down was doubtful whether, with a view larger sum, still more extensive coration might not have been required.

advances that had been already de went to the exceedings above the millions; they amounted to about 0,000l. Every precaution had been en that could tend to render the transion safe. The security for repayment s, first, a general engagement to pay; xt, a mortgage on the Emperor's here. tary revenues, to be recovered accordg to the laws of that country, and a deosit of actions on the bank of Vienna. n case of non-payment, the sum to be aade good by this country. But the committee would carry along with them that we were guarantees for only a half yearly dividend on the accidental failure of payment. A considerable delay had taken place, which had been full of anxiety to those concerned in the speculation, as they were obliged to have their money in readiness. Gentlemen on the other side had formerly stated, that the transaction did not present a very advantageous prospect to the subscribers. Fortunately the reverse was the case. He concluded with y moving, "That it is the opinion of this ncommittee, that provision be made for e-guaranteeing the payment of the dividends on on a loan of 4,600,000l., on account of ent the Emperor of Germany conformably to of the said convention."

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Mr. For said, that when this business was before the House on a former day, they were told that four millions were to be granted to the Emperor, on condition an to of his providing 200,000 men for the The common cause, as it was termed, but com- that if he should provide a larger army, h the there should be no objection on our part nd the to granting him the sum of six millions; and it was added, that the Emperor had cur to received some of this money in part of the thing at whole loan; and at that time it was not known how the proposals would be accepted at Vienna. The fact now was, that he

Mr. Wilberforce, in reply, combated the charge of inconsistency: He had, it was true, supported the war; but a change of circumstances made him now wish to terminate it.

the Rhine. Expressions of discontent | have trespassed too long on the patience are not confined to individuals, but are ge- of the House. I conclude by observing neral, and such as come home to the door again, that I have to hope for a more faof every individual in France. What will vourable order of things, and I have no be the effect of this complicated pressure, reason to be satisfied with any attempt at how long it may be continued, or what negociation at this moment; but by a order of things may ultimately rise out of vigorous prosecution of the war for a it, I shall not pretend to say. But I short time longer, we have every reasonthink it may produce, and probably at no able prospect that we shall be able to progreat distance of time, some new order of cure for ourselves a solid, permanent, and things, more friendly to a general pacifi- honourable peace. cation, and to a regular intercourse with the other established powers of Europe. Such is the genuine prospect for all the countries of Europe, for an order of things more satisfactory than we have seen at any former period. It is owing to your perseverance in forcing them, and to which they are unequal, that they would willingly accept of peace. But because you have such a prospect at this moment, you are by no means certain that a safe and honourable peace could be obtained. That is, at this moment, premature; a continuance of your perseverance some time longer, will in all probability produce that happy effect.

Compare the situation and resources of this country, feeling for the burthens of the country, which must be felt by the poor and industrious to a certain extent, and deploring their necessity, as they must obstruct the increasing wealth of the country. Look also at the manufac tures and trade and revenue, and compare it with the expense of the war. Compare the annual expenditure of twenty or twenty-five millions sterling, to the enormous sum of twenty-seven millions sterling per month, or three hundred and twenty-four millions per annum, the sum yearly expended by France. After you have made these comparisons, tell me whether you will lay aside your exertions, under the peculiar circumstances in which you are now placed. You have laid on taxes unprecedented in their amount, but at the same time having the satisfaction to know that they are borne by the inhabitants of this country without any material severe pressure. You are provided therefore with the most ample and liberal supplies for the present campaign. But is that the case with France? No. Every month, every week, is an additional strain of the new machine, and they are not provided with any of that enormous expense which I have mentioned, but must raise it all by forced means, by requisitions, by robbery, and plunder. I

He did not make his present motion from any love of French principles he detested them. He respected Mr. Pitt's opinion, and though it might have great weight in forming his judgment, yet that judgment when once formed, he could not give up, out of respect to him, whatever confidence he might place in his wisdom or integrity. However his motion might terminate he had the satisfaction to think that he had done his duty, and was not answerable for the event.

The question being put, "That the other orders of the day be now read;" the House divided:

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1. "Because the honourable footing upon which the militia was established, and has hitherto subsisted, is, as far as relates to the augmenting the Royal Artillery, undermined by this bill, inasmuch as it makes the militia a fund for the supply, and a drill for the accommodation of another corps, inasmuch as it reduces this constitutional force below the numbers covenanted by the country to be always kept complete; and inasmuch as it supplies the deficiencies it creates, not in the regular and creditable manner by which the militia is constitutionally to be supplied, and supplied to a certainty, but by

the means, uncertain in their operation by which it is constitutionally provided in express terms that it shall not be supplied.

2. "Because upon the allegation of the present conjuncture, it establishes this measure without any express period to its duration, and without any clause against the precedent.

present as to the expediency of securing to ourselves in the way proposed by this convention, the co-operation of so great, a military power as the Emperor. The House had already decided on that point. They had, however, reserved to themselves when the conditions should be laid before them, to judge both as to the security offered for the assistance, to the extent to which it had been stipulated, and for the repayment of the sums advanced. When the message was originally brought down it was doubtful whether, with a view to a larger sum, still more extensive co

3. Because at a moment when the temper of the times, and our personal knowledge of late events in some corps, seem particularly to recommend a vigilance in the preservation of discipline and subordination, this bill, in a most extra-operation might not have been required. ordinary and unprecedented manner, relaxes the authority of the commanding officers over the objects of it, by suggesting to the latter a method which at any time, &c. on any motive entitles them to their discharge.'

4. "Because the several circumstances of disappointment as to the strength of their regiments, and of degradation by the involuntary removal of their selected and most instructed men, by the replacing of them in a less certain and less creditable manner, and by converting the regiments into a recruiting fund for another corps, form an impolitic and undeserved return to such militia officers (and it has been admitted in the debates on this bill that there are many such) as have merit with the public.-And

"I conceive it the more necessary to mark my disapprobation, and express my apprehension of the consequences of this innovation, as I know the militia contains a fund for recruiting not only the artillery but every other corps in his majesty's service, much too good not to be ardently coveted, and (however the intention be disclaimed at present) I fear resorted to (as I am sure it may be upon the same reasoning), when parliament shall have once notified the principle of making the militia subservient to the efficiency of other corps.

(Signed)

"RADNOR."

Debate in the Commons on the Loan to the Emperor of Germany.] May 28. The House having resolved itself into a committee of the whole House, to which the Convention between his Majesty and the Emperor* was refered,

Mr. Pitt said, that it did not occur to him to be necessary to say any thing at

* See Vol. 31, p. 1558.

The advances that had been already made went to the exceedings above the four millions; they amounted to about 550,000l. Every precaution had been taken that could tend to render the transaction safe. The security for repayment was, first, a general engagement to pay; next, a mortgage on the Emperor's here. ditary revenues, to be recovered according to the laws of that country, and a deposit of actions on the bank of Vienna. In case of non-payment, the sum to be made good by this country. But the committee would carry along with them that we were guarantees for only a half yearly dividend on the accidental failure of payment. A considerable delay had taken place, which had been full of anxiety to those concerned in the speculation, as they were obliged to have their money in readiness. Gentlemen on the other side had formerly stated, that the transaction. did not present a very advantageous prospect to the subscribers. Fortunately the reverse was the case. He concluded with moving, "That it is the opinion of this committee, that provision be made for guaranteeing the payment of the dividends on a loan of 4,600,000l., on account of the Emperor of Germany conformably to the said convention."

Mr. For said, that when this business was before the House on a former day, they were told that four millions were to be granted to the Emperor, on condition of his providing 200,000 men for the common cause, as it was termed, but that if he should provide a larger army, there should be no objection on our part to granting him the sum of six millions; and it was added, that the Emperor had received some of this money in part of the whole loan; and at that time it was not known how the proposals would be accepted at Vienna. The fact now was, that he

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