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was to receive 4,600,000l. over and above the sums which had been already advanced to him. What was the consequence of this? Did the Emperor undertake to furnish more than the 200,000 men? No such thing; and it now appeared that the Emperor had never agreed to what had been stated to the House by the minister. Perhaps it was not criminal on the part of our government to advance the money which the Emperor had actually received but he was sure that the House ought to have better information than the minister had given them, before they agreed to a proposition which was both dangerous and alarming. There was a rumour that this faithful ally of ours had acted in a manner not very consistent with the character which had been given him: if that rumour was true, we were proceeding, without the least security that we should not be deceived. It had been said, that when the British and allied armies were in a situation of the greatest peril, and when a delay of only twenty-four hours of the Austrians would have been essential, that delay had been refused by his imperial majesty. We had continued to pay the Emperor 100,000l. a month after he had deserted us. When an inquiry was proposed to be made into this business, we were told there were some difficulties in the way of an explanation. He would ask, was that an answer to a House of Commons called upon to vote away by millions the public money? It was objected to by many, and by himself particularly, on the discussion of the Prussian treaty, that we should pay such large sums withoutknowing correctly how former engagements had been fulfilled. It had been stated, that we were not an swerable for the whole amount of the loan, if the Emperor should fail; that we were answerable only for the dividends from time to time as the failure should occur. He was really too stupid to see the distinction between being answerable for the whole sum, and paying for ever the dividends that shall become due upon it. He wished to know upon what our security rested with regard to this loan. He should be answered, no doubt, on the punctuality of the payments of the Emperor. Now, there were persons, and he confessed he was one of the number, who had doubts concerning this punctuality. Here Mr. Fox read an extract of a letter from a person at Vienna, stating, that the court of Vienna had come to a resolution not to pay dividends of old loans to any

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persons resident in France; and to another resolution, not to pay any persons who had not emigrated from France. Sums of money were due to a religious order in France, and the Emperor said he would not pay them unless they proved they had emigrated from France; and by the second resolution, he said he would not pay them, because they happened to be in the Austrian Netherlands, at the time the French over-ran that quarter. In answer to the minister's assertion, that we had made good use of our credit, by the terms of the loan, there were two arguments against such a mode of proceeding; first, it was not honourable for the House to sell the interest of the public credit; and, secondly, if it was to be sold it should be sold for what it was really worth. He saw in this convention no stipulation that the Emperor should not make a separate peace. If peace should

be soon concluded between the French and the Emperor we should have given 4,600,000/. absolutely for nothing. There had been something said upon the distinction between the character of the Emperor as such, and that of king of Hungary and Bohemia; that, as Emperor, he might agree to a peace with France, but as king and archduke, he might pursue the war with vigour. This was perfectly ridiculous, for whenever peace was agreed upon, one of the leading articles of the treaty must be that he should not suffer troops destined against France to pass through any of his dominions, and therefore he would forbid such troops from going through Bohemia against France. But he was afraid that all the hopes of the majority who supported this war were now in the insincerity of the Emperor, as to this rescript. Exclusive of the infamy of such a principle, he advised the House to be cautious in trusting to such a security, for he knew of no real security in the conduct of any man, if that conduct was not founded on the principes of fair dealing. What security had we that what the Emperor was doing in London was sincere, and that what he was doing in Vienna was not all duplicity? He should like to know with what face of sincerity the Emperor could come to the diet with his rescript in favour of peace, and at the same moment open a loan with this country for carrying on the war. The truth was, the diet were unacquainted with his determination to accept our loan when he published this rescript, and by the step which we

were about to take, we were to become parties to the delusion. Whatever were the real intentions of the Emperor, this was a duplicity of a nature so detestable, that we ought to be ashamed of being parties to it.

The committee divided: Yeas, 77. Noes, 43. The resolution was accordingly agreed to.

June 3. The Resolution being reported to the House,

Mr. W. Smith said, that a great alteration in the affairs of Europe had taken place since the House first voted this loan. It had become a question, whether or not we were likely to obtain an equivalent for this very large sum of money? This question seemed to him to depend very much upon two considerations: first, the probability of any co-operation on the part of the Emperor in this war: secondly, the efficiency of that co-operation. Upon the probability of that co-operation he owned, that, considering the state of the Germanic empire, he thought that very doubtful, from the disposition which that monarch had manifested in his rescript to the Germanic states. Supposing the Emperor should be induced to make peace, what security had we for the payment of any part of this loan? Did any gentleman imagine that it would then be even in the power of the Emperor to pay? Thus we were going to risk 4,600,000l. upon a chance for which no private gentleman would give 400l. of his own property. He entreated the House to consider what they were doing.

Mr. Fox wished the House to consider the step they were taking, and how totally destitute they were of any defence of their conduct to their constituents. He alluded to a fact which he had stated when this subject was last discussed. The fact he had stated was not strictly correct; but the difference made considerably in favour of the conclusion he had drawn, as to the fidelity of the Emperor, in the fulfilment of his pecuniary engagements. He had said, that certain religious houses in France had lent the Emperor large sums of money, to be repaid at the bank of Vienna, and that the Emperor had first issued an order that the interest should not be paid to any but to those who could prove their emigration, and afterwards had issued another order that no interest should be paid at all. In consequence of this statement, he had received

a letter from a friend, in which he had informed him, "that the religious houses were situated, not in France, but in the Austrian Netherlands. The bonds for the money lent belonged to English convents of nuns in the Emperor's own dominions; and it was to his own subjects that the Emperor had been guilty of a breach of faith." Such was the purport of the let> ter. The fact, therefore, was, that this was an aggravated circumstance in the conduct of the perfidious Emperor, and an additional proof of the solvency, as it was called, of this bankrupt bank of Vienna. With respect to the political principle of the measure, the country was to give money for assistance which was not stipulated, and which it could not enforce. His imperial majesty did not say that he would not make peace, in his convention with this country; whereas, in his rescript to the diet of Ratisbon, he had said, that he would make peace. The House, therefore, were called upon to grant the loan, without any decided assurance, that the Emperor would continue the war; and with a direct assertion of his readiness to make peace. It ought to be shown that the revenues of his imperial majesty were sufficient to repay the money, independently of the ordinary expenditure of the imperial dominions. The fact was, that a loan was to be granted, without any assurance being made by the Emperor, that he would afford effectual aid. He had, it was true, agreed to raise 200,000 men. Where were those men? And how did the country know that they would, if such a number could be raised, co-operate with this country? It appeared, then, that if the Emperor did not choose to keep his engagement, Great Britain could not force him; and that if he did keep his engagement, he might still make peace without any inconsistency. By the way, was there any man sure that his co-operation would not cease altogether, as soon as the royal assent should be given to the bill for the loan? If the House took upon itself to guarantee this loan, and should afterwards be deceived, it could not deny but it had been properly warned.

Mr. Pitt said, as to what had been of fered in depreciation of Austrian fidelity in pecuniary engagements, it consisted of ex parte statements, extracted from the letters of interested individuals. As to the Emperor's decree respecting the nonpayment of those who did not prove their emigration, it alluded entirely to his own

subjects. When the rulers of France got, advanced, and the preparations on the possession of Flanders, and confiscated part of the allies not so formidable as last the property of the inhabitants, the court year. If our past efforts, when every nerve of Vienna thought proper to refuse cer- was strained, had been marked only by tain religious societies of France, who failure and defeat, what could be expected were holders of imperial securities, pay from diminished exertions but more fatal ment during the war. He maintained, disgraces? Suppose the Emperor's generals that for good faith, no court in Europe should tell him that they cannot make ofstood higher than that of Vienna, inso- fensive war, must it not strike a gloom into much, that he challenged any man to show every gentleman, that we should guarantee a single instance, before the present, in 4,600,000l. to carry on a protracted and which it was called in question. It had defensive war? He thought it vain to been said the Emperor intended to make attempt the conquest of twenty-four milpeace with the French. That suggestion, lions of people, and that with a view to supposing it to be true, was of little weight destroy their republic, it would be better against the expediency of the loan: for he to make peace. put it to the candour of the House, whether there was the smallest inconsistency in the Emperor's declaring, as head of the Germanic body, his willingness to negociate for a peace, and at the same time prosecuting the war as grand duke of Austria, and king of Bohemia and Hungary. It might as well be argued, that the king of Great Britain, as elector of Hanover, should refuse his contingent, or necessarily embroil Great Britain in war; nay, every independent prince of the empire had the same power. But he would assert that Austria had often been at war with France when the empire was at peace.

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June 10. On the order of the day for the second reading of the Emperor's Loan bill,

General Tarleton opposed the guarantee, as a profuse expenditure of the public money; the stipulations by the Emperor not being likely to be fulfilled. This would be evident, if a view were taken of the relation in which the Emperor stood as king of Bohemia, and head of the empire; and the state of the continent from the defection of Prussia. What hopes were there of success, even if the Emperor's co-operation were certain? The season was far

Mr. M. Robinson insisted that there was apparent perfidy in the conduct of the Emperor, and that the House had a right to be distrustful of a prince who had at the same time signed a treaty for the continuance of the war, and sent to the diet of Ratisbon a rescript, expressive of his wish to make peace.

Mr. Lechmere said, that the expenses of this disastrous war had fallen almost entirely upon this country, and had been drawn from the hard-earned pittance of the poor. The vast expense he could not consent to swell. It was therefore his opinion, that no loan should be granted to the Emperor. Prussia had been subsidized at a period when his Prussian majesty had explicitly asserted, that he could not find troops enow to act against the French. A subsidy had been granted to the king of Sardinia, for nothing more than defending his own dominions. The loan to the Emperor was evidently for the purpose of preventing him from making peace. To a loan for any such purpose, he should decidedly object.

Mr. Fox rose for the purpose of moving an amendment. The House, he said, had been told that the French were in great distress, and so he believed they were. The House had also been told that much might be done by standing aloof. His own idea of standing aloof, was to stand aloof at a peace, or at an expense not much above the ordinary peace establishment, and not at an annual expense of thirty millions. France, it had been said, was falling to pieces, and yet she made treaties of peace. Why was, therefore, a treaty with this country to prevent her from continuing to fall to pieces? The present was altogether a new system of which the ministers were the authors, they had sufficient experience of the

conduct of Prussia, and they were now going to try the Emperor. He understood that there were to be some new allies; not new allies in point of principle, but in point of performance, and that Russia was to co-operate with this country. He wished to know why the empress was more to be trusted now than the king of Prussia, and how historians were to distinguish between Prussia and the other powers who had participated in the dismemberment of Poland? But did any man expect cordial co-operation from the Austrians? He had frequently challenged the minister to produce one general officer who would say, that any co-operation could be expected from them. Of the Austrians, it would not be too much to say, that they were as much to be trusted as the Prussians, and the Prussians as the Austrians. He concluded by moving, as an amendment to the motion, to leave out the word "now," and at the end of the question to add the words upon this day two months."

. The question being put, that the word "now" stand part of the question, the House divided:

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June 15. On the order of the day being read for the third reading of the bill, Mr. Fox said, that this measure had always appeared to him a profligate waste of the money of the people. What had happened lately confirmed him in that opinion he meant the surrender of Luxembourg. It became the House to consider, whether, after the Emperor had lost one of the most important fortresses in Europe, every nerve which he could employ, could in any material degree be serviceable to us. This was not all: there were reports of a cessation of hostilities, and of a new alliance between this country, Austria, and Russia. He hoped, if it existed, it would be laid before the House immediately. This was, in his mind, an alarming thing. There were persons who believed that the consequence of such an alliance would be a war between the two imperial powers and Prussia. Whether such an alliance was right or wrong, he would not presume to determine. He was sorry to believe that

there were some persons, who called themselves politicians, who were so shortsighted as to think this advantageous, at all events, to this country. For his own part, he could not help believing, that such a war as this alliance might produce, must involve one half of Europe on one side or other of it; and he could not avoid looking with great anxiety at the condition of so large a part of mankind, if the calamities of war were to be thus extended, and the prospect of peace to be placed at so great a distance. We were told every day of the great distresses of France; and he believed some of them: but he never could look with pleasure on the prosecution of a war, when the question between the parties was, who could hold out, and bear great distress the longest? He had heard, that with respect to our own distress, the accounts of it were exaggerated. He wished to hear a statement of facts that could lead him to believe that such accounts were over-coloured. But he knew that the distress of this country was great; and he had no grounds for believing that the distress of France was such as was not likely to be felt also in this country, and that for a considerable time, even although the evil should not in reality be equal to the accounts of it, for we all knew what mighty mischief monopoly was capable of creating. He could not let slip the opportunity of delivering his sentiments. He wished at all times that we should avoid, as much as possible, the calamities of war, always dreadful, but infinitely more so, when every part of Europe was likely to feel the want of provision. From these alarming apprehensions, he found it his duty to oppose this bill in its last stage. The bill was then read a third time, and passed.

Debate on the Earl of Lauderdale's Motion respecting Peace with France.] June 5. The Earl of Lauderdale rose to call the attention of their lordships to the subject of which he had given notice. He did not mean to refer to any of those former discussions on the subject of the war, respecting which there had been considerable difference of opinion; nor did he wish, by any seeming asperity, to provoke warmth, or excite ill humour; his anxious desire was, that the question should be debated with a calmness equal to its importance. Whatever might have been the determination of that House,

with regard to motions that had been made on the war, there were some recent events, especially the peace concluded with France by the king of Prussia, which justified him in calling now for a different determination. If they examined the present situation of this country, and the condition of our allies, their lordships must find it to be their duty to come to some specific proposition at this time, that would alter the nature of what they had already declared to be their opinion. Here his lordship took a view of our situation both externally and internally, to enforce the necessity of the House coming to a determination, that might tend to remove some of the difficulties under which we laboured in this war. Even the expense of this war would, if long continued, be our ruin; for there was not one of the allies, who must not be eventually in the pay of Great Britain, except Spain. We were now left with scarcely any ally that could be relied upon, except the Emperor; and, strange to tell, on the same day that his Convention was signed at Vienna with the king of Great Britain for carrying on the war with activity and energy, his rescript to the States of the empire was delivered to the Diet of Ratisbon, by which he agrees to negociate for a peace between the empire and the French as soon as possible. This was a line of conduct which afforded considerable cause of suspicion as to the sincerity of the Emperor's intentions; and if his intentions were not sincere, on whom could this country depend for any assistance in the next campaign? It was impossible to look to Spain as an active ally The king of Sardinia was so situated, that there was cause to apprehend, that if reasonable terms were offered him by the French, he would be ready to conclude a peace. If we looked to the powers on the continent, we should find them all subsidized by this country, and yet all eager to make peace. Even the Emperor, at the head of the empire, had confessed himself ready to do so; but, then, great stress was laid on his vigorous exertions, as king of Hungary and Bohemia. He could by no means join in this opinion, nor did he see the kingof Hungary and Bohemia could give us that assistance which would be necessary to render another campaign of the least use to this country. This double capacity of king of Hungary and Bohemia, and emperor of Germany, in which the same person acted such very differ

ent parts, reminded him of a passage in the "Critic," where the Heroine, Tilburina, while interceding with the governor her father, in behalf of her lover, Whiskerandos, says, "Can you resist the daughter and the suppliant?" The governor answers, "The father's softened, but the governor's resolved." In much the same light he apprehended the Emperor to be softened, and the king of Bo hemia to be resolved. His lordship then took a view of our situation in the West Indies, and expressed great apprehensions for our safety in that quarter. It might be said that there existed no government in France with which we could treat; to which he would answer, that it would not be found in any good book on the law of nations, that a government acquiesced in might not be treated with. What objection was there to acknowledge the government of France? Every power in Europe, except Russia, whose success as a friend to liberty, he should deplore, had already done so. Nay, even we, had negociated with them, for we had proposed an exchange of prisoners. But it was said, that if any negociation was to take place, it should be left to ministers: but we had seen no wish of this kind expressed by ministers, and therefore he thought that parliament ought to interfere. He was confident the French government were desirous for peace, and he thought the parliament of Great Britain should manifest a similar disposition. He saw nothing less than the total ruin of this country, in carrying on the war. He had heard, that this was a war to support our constitution he did not believe it; for that constitution must be a bad one indeed, which required perpetual war to preserve it. He conclud ed with moving,

"That an humble Address be presented to his majesty, that his majesty's dutiful and loyal subjects, the lords spiritual and temporal in parliament assembled, have, during the war in which so great a part of Europe has been involved, repeatedly given every assurance, that nothing should be wanting on their part that could contribute to that firm and effectual support which his majesty had so much reason to expect from a brave and loyal people.

"That at the commencement of the present war this House saw, with satisfaction, the United Provinces, protected from invasion, the Austrian Netherlands recovered and maintained, and places of considerable importance acquired on

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