different Greek families could be returned, their only reply was a secret entreaty for a passport to Greece.

It may easily be imagined that the resignation by Prince Leopold of the Crown of Greece filled the Eastern world with the utmost astonishment. The mystery which enveloped the whole transaction, when, on the disclosure to Parliament of the dangers Prince Leopold had been led to apprehend from Greece, no single statesman had been able to unmask the fraudulent deceptions of Capodistrias, was inconceivable.

This want of information, even on the part of government, on a question of vital importance to Russia, and of the deepest interest to England, if she would but know her interests, was the more surprising, since, in the Gazette of Smyrna, then edited by Mr. Blacque, whose services have since been invaluable to the Ottoman Empire, the whole history was minutely detailed, and the English who were in Greece had exerted every nerve to enlighten public opinion on the subject. Their letters never reached their destination.

Those who had an opportunity of visiting Greece at this period, and of witnessing on the spot the

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effect of Capodistrias's system, describe its situation in the most lamentable colours.

The country had fallen into a state of paralysis. Commerce had been obstructed by the Tariff, and by absurd regulations, interruptions of communications, and the discountenancing of foreign capitalists. The agricultural interest, equally depressed by the Tariff, was suffering from disturbances in the interior, which had been purposely excited by Capodistrias and Colocotroni to alarm Prince Leopold, and the odium of which Capodistrias had imputed to the "handful of intriguers."

A general system of espionage and violation of epistolary correspondence destroyed all confidence between man and man. The only persons in possession of power were the family of Capodistrias, and his Senate, his own nominees, men who for the most part did not bear a character for even respectability.

Colocotroni and the Metaxas were the provincial governors, and the centralized system of Capodistrias was as perfect in its organization as Russia could desire.

Of the English adherents all were suffering persecution. Church had been exiled by a decree of

Capodistrias. Mavrocordato was living in Nauplia in destitution, not choosing to accept office under the President. Tricoupi dwelt in poverty at Argos, and, to English travellers who visited him, he complained of not being allowed to visit Nauplia without a passport; a regulation, perfectly contradictory to Eastern habits and manners. Admiral Miaulis had written to Sir P. Malcolm, to excuse his not visiting him at Nauplia, alleging that his feelings prevented his coming to a town which held the President within its walls.

Nothing whatever had been done for the improvement of the country. With regard to England and Englishmen, Capodistrias manifested on every occasion the most marked dislike. In his progress to ruin the Primates, and secure his own power, he had been indirectly aided by the French government, which, on withdrawing a portion of the French troops, had expressly intimated its abandonment of all desire to exercise any influence in Greece, and had thus given up the whole of that party which, under Coletti, had once looked to France for protection. A number of French officers were, however, employed in disciplining the Greek army; and it was singular to see French

generals, with their staffs, caressed by Capodistrias, and organizing his troops.

The news of the French revolution of July was an event all-important to Greece, for it foreboded the downfall of Capodistrias, as he himself declared. The interest taken by France, at the instigation of Russia, in support of the President, was naturally turned against him from the moment the fleur-delis was replaced by the tricoloured flag: and thus, by one of those turns of fortune which on every important occasion have so miraculously favoured Greece, the President suddenly found himself surrounded by a host of French employés, whose sentiments, veering with the national opinion of France, were now naturally in harmony with the national feeling of Greece.

We owe it to the party then in power to observe here that their views respecting Greece were of the most liberal character. The Ambassadors at Poros had declared, that it would be unjust to deprive Greece of the constitutional freedom which it had been prepared for under the system of the Turks, which they expected, and which it would be unfair and inexpedient to deny them. Subsequently, the Cabinet of the Duke of Wellington

had endeavoured, on every occasion, to oppose the antinational system of Capodistrias; and so well aware was the President of this, that he pointed out England as his real foe and obstacle: and yet the Duke of Wellington was environed by many and grave difficulties. England was in a minority in the conference. Russia and France, under the dynasty of the elder branch of the Bourbons, held together in all questions of international policy, as is seen from the removal from office of Prince Talleyrand, down to the capture of Algiers.

On the accession of Lord Grey, England found herself in a vastly improved position, both by the influence of Lord Grey's liberal character in Europe and throughout the East; and by England gaining by the revolution of France a majority in the Conference. An influence which was, by the non-intervention principle, a novel incident in the history of England, instead of being made use of to counteract the designs of Russia, was placed at her disposal for the furtherance of her views.

Men are naturally more easily led by names than by facts, and it requires more calmness and impartial sagacity than is generally found when the popular mind is in a state of strong excite