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ment, to discover that the liberal party has supported the designs of Russia from the affair of Oczakow to the nomination of Capodistrias, the resignation of Prince Leopold, the complications occasioned by the boundaries; and, as this narra. tive will show, down to the present day.

The French nation, which was to be henceforward governed by liberal principles, rejoiced at seeing England also governed by a ministry that called itself liberal. Louis Philippe had been placed on the throne by a development of the national will, and it then appeared that he could only maintain himself by conducting his policy, both at home and abroad, in accordance with that national will; as the then existing relations between France and Russia showed that he could then hope to receive no support from that Cabinet. However liberal might have been the intentions of the Tories, revolutionized France would never have placed as much confidence in a Tory Ministry in England as in one which professed liberal principles; and, however the Cabinet of Lord Grey may boast of having accomplished a great triumph in cementing a union between England and France, it was not the result of diplomatic skill, but the necessary

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change of circumstances. We have yet to see how the new Cabinet turned to account this happy conjunction of events, how this union profited us on the sole point on which it could be useful, viz. by striking to the heart those revolutionists and demagogues" that prowl about every country under the name of Russian envoys, ministers, agents, &c., showing to them that they would find in the combined "action of these two Crowns an insurmountable barrier" to the realization of their unprincipled designs, power to neutralize them, or even "to turn them to the advantage of social order," which they had endeavoured to disturb, and thus" to establish the peace of Europe on a durable foundation."

We now have England, that was before in a minority of the Conference of London, in a triumphant majority; whilst Prince Talleyrand, whose powerful mind had penetrated through the depths of Russian intrigue, was sent to assist with his intelligence the labours of the Conference.

Capodistrias, it is true, holds in his hand the reins of power in Greece; but the moment the news of the "three days of July” reached him, he exclaimed that his hour was come; and, by a happy

combination, at that moment, the views of Capodistrias had been unmasked, and the eyes of the Greeks opened; the evils of his government had become, at length, insupportable, and Greek forbearance had reached its utmost bounds. The changes that had taken place in Europe had operated favourably for us upon this excitable and susceptible nation and it is curious to remark, in tracing effects to their causes, that the first intimation any of the English residents in Nauplia received of the Reform Bill, as proposed by Lord Grey's Cabinet, was communicated in the first number of a Gazette, that had been established at Hydra, which had just detached itself from the government of the President.

We shall now follow this revolution through its different phases.

(To be continued.)

[Representations having reached us from various quarters of doubts having been cast upon the authenticity or the accuracy of our translation of the Despatch in the last Number, we give the original. We had omitted in our latter Numbers the original French despatches, in consequence of the simultaneous appearance of the "Portfolio" at Paris; and we really had believed that suspicions such as those to which we allude were now entirely out of the question. This is a curious illustration of an observation of a recent writer, who, in commenting on the ignorance that prevailed in Europe respecting Russia and her projects, says "that Nesselrode would be treated as an impostor, if he revealed the views of his Cabinet."]

ORIGINAL OF THE SECRET DESPATCH IN

Nos. XX. AND XXI.

COPIE D'UNE DEPECHE

TRES RESERVEE A MR. DE RIBEAUPIERRE,

ST. PETERSBOURG, IE 11 JANVIER, 1827.

EN adressant a V. Exc. l'instruction ostensible qu' Elle reçoit par le Courier de ce jour, nous avons rempli nos engagemens avec le Cabinet de Londres, et profité d'une occasion favorable pour exposer le systême général de notre politique envers l'Empire Ottoman.

Plus nous avons lieu de croire que, malgré la noble modération de l'Empereur Alexandre et les principes qui dirigent notre Auguste Souverain, des opinions fausses accréditent encore de secrètes inquiétudes sur nos intentions à l'égard de cet Empire, plus il nous importait de faire connaitre avec franchise et les graves intérêts que nous ne pourrons jamais y abandonner, et les avantages réels que nous offrira l'ordre de choses qui s'y trouve établi, dès que nous verrons, d'un côté, s'exécuter fidèlement la Convention d'Akerman, et de l'autre, la Grèce tranquille et florissante contribuer comme autrefois a la prospérité des provinces Russes, dont les produits s'ecoulaient à bord de ses vaisseaux et par l'entremise de ses commerçans. Tel est le double but de notre précédente dépêche. Elle développe des vérités dont nous ne saurions trop convaincre les autres Puissances et nous pénétrer nous mêmes.

Mais il en est d'autres qui appellent aussi Mr. votre attention particulière..

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