music, choristers.

Besides the mansion of the Russian Mission, in front of King Otho's palace, arose a chapel of equal dimensions, where alone the Russian proclaimed, the orthodox could worship, and by which alone Greece could be connected with the unity of the faith. But these well-laid schemes were frustrated by the determination of M. von Maurer, (the Member of the Regency of Greece, entrusted with the affairs of religion, jurisprudence, and national instruction.) He was not sufficiently informed on Eastern politics to conceive the re-annexation religiously of Greece with the Patriarch of Constantinople, and even if he had, the project would at that period have been impracticable; he therefore adopted the middle course of an independent Greek Synod, and instantly the Russian minister and the Russian party proclaimed the apostacy of Greece from the faith of her ancestors : while Metaxa prompted the revolutionary spirit of Maina, by telling the simple peasantry that the Panagia of Tinos had been seen to shed tears of blood on hearing of the infidelity of the King of Greece. *

But, while Turkey and Islamism are casting aside their former prejudices and antipathies against Christianity and Europe, are we, who aspire to such superiority of philanthropic views and of information, to remain behindhand in casting away prejudices and antipathies, which are not in our national character, which are not in our religious feelings, and which can have existence solely in ignorance of facts, for which there is now no longer any excuse?

We cannot conclude without quoting the sentiments, on this subject, of the Moniteur Ottoman.

A fact occurs to-day, which has occurred once before in the history of Europe. The fact is, a violent animosity against Mahommedans changing suddenly into contrary sentiments, and

The chapel did not come out till two months after the deed of separation, but this is only an additional illustration of the whole scheme, because M. von Maurer's promptitude had anticipated, by a sudden and unexpected decision, the long discussions which Russia, of course, expected on so knotty a question.

seeking, with all the good faith of real regret, to discover its

errors.

The early times of the Crusades, that long cauchemar of the Christians, was a period of bitter hatred, of infuriated passions, rejecting all inquiry, and exercising a despotical action over the masses of men that passed over to Asia. To hate and to fight, such was the only thought of the Crusaders, during the eleventh century. But, in the succeeding, opinion changes. The struggle between two systems, religious and social, loses its character of blind fury. It continues, because begun; but the spirit of inquiry had taken the place of passion; fanatical prejudices are effaced. The Crusaders study the character and habits of their enemies; sympathies arise; and from this moment commences that movement of civilization, which was the final result of that vast irruption of the West on the East.

The crusade of civilization of the nineteenth century commenced precisely as the religious crusade of the eleventh-in prejudices, blind hate, and condemnation without reason. It finishes, like that of the thirteenth, in inquiry, sympathy, and justice. Ten years have sufficed to operate this re-action, which in another age required two centuries. The diffusion of knowledge, facility of communication, and the immense power of the press, explain the difference. Thanks to those whose high intelligence raises them above the prejudices of their day, to whose investigations we owe this return to impartiality, fraternity; this return to the true spirit of civilization.

REPLY OF GENERAL HENRY DEMBINSKI

TO THE ARTICLE OF

M. PAGES DE L'ARIEGE,

ON THE OCCUPATION OP ALGIERS,

I read yesterday, with a lively interest, in the Journal "Le Temps," an article of M. Pagès de l'Ariége on the question of Algiers. I venture to put forward a few lines in reply to it. I shall not follow the author in his arguments, however lucid and profound they are, with regard to the internal question, that is to say, the question of details by which Algiers must belong to France, or of those who, actuated by the same motives, might advise its being abandoned. I only wish to take up the political side of the question. The article says: "But Algiers, a French colony, with its influence on the Mediterranean, with its present and future importance, Algiers ceasing to belong to Pirates, Algiers no longer being able to belong to a rival nation which would convert it into a military arsenal, a commercial entrepot, a grand field for cultivation. Such is the political view of the question."

I must here beg to express my dissent from the author. I believe I do not err in saying that the political question of Algiers is not at Algiers, but at Constantinople, at Cairo, at Alexandria, at Tunis, Tripoli, and Morocco - every where, in a word, where Mussulman nationality exists. The commercial world, as well as that portion of mankind which follows the progress of civilisation, has its eyed fixed on the

Eastern question; on its solution depend the future destinies of the world. In order that this important question may be solved in a manner favourable to humanity, it is essential not only that we should see Turkey strong, but, above all, that she should confide in her allies. Now, the battles fought by Abd-el-Kader cannot be indifferent to every good Mussulman, that is to say, to every good Turkish patriot; for the more they have been unfortunate in the wars waged during the last century, the more easily are they excited to admire the warlike renown of every disciple of Mahomet, whoever he may be. Yes, I doubt not that the eyes and wits of every Mussulman follow with attention the struggle which is engaged on the territory of Dziezzar - the invincible, for this is the appellation given to Algiers in Turkey. What do they see there? The French, their most ancient allies, delighting in the destruction of their brethren in God. Is this the mode of gaining their confidence?-Is this, above all, the way to strengthen the power of the Grand Seignor, to assist him in his reforms?

I may affirm, with a full knowledge of the facts acquired on the spot, that this occupation of Algiers by France creates discontent in the populations of the empire against their Sovereign. I know I shall be told that the power of the Grand Seignor was incapable of repressing the piracy committed with the cognizance of the Regency of Algiers, but justice requires that we should go back to the time when the expedition of Algiers was prepared. What was then the power of the Grand Seignor? Nothing! The incessant revolts of the Janissaries hindered him from being master in his capital; how could he then become master at Algiers? At the present day, when the regularity of the service is secured, Algiers, in the hands of the Porte, would no longer be dangerous to merchants; and with regard to the interests. of commerce and the colonists, treaties may stipulate them,

and make them more advantageous to France than those of a colony protected by the range of cannon.

I shall not dilate upon the grave nature of the Eastern question, upon the immense results that its solution will have on the commercial world; but it is then, more than ever, that we may appreciate the incalculable advantages which would be acquired by the power which could act towards the Turkish nation with the justice which is due to her. France, more happily situated in this respect than England, would see her southern shores attain prosperity hitherto unrivalled, since the merchandize which follows the route of the sea, in going round the Cape of Good Hope, might reach the Mediterranean directly in traversing Syria, and take back by the same route the productions of the manufacturing industry of France.

This is the state of the political question. In this instance, as M. O. Barrot, one of the most conscientious orators of the Chamber of Deputies, said on the subject of the amendment on Poland, "It is, by a rare coincidence, in harmony with honour and strict justice." Yes, I repeat, strict justice the true interests of France require that Algiers should be restored to its nationality. In regard to civilization, indeed, every thing appears to indicate that the result will be more prompt when the reforms shall proceed from that quarter which speaks in the name of force?

:

It may, perhaps, excite astonishment that a stranger should take so deep an interest in this question; but, as a Pole, L'cannot remain a stranger to any thing which interests the Ottoman empire. It is because our ancestors did not sufficiently well understand their mutual interests, that we are one and all of us fallen into misfortune. Ever since a perfidious and subtle enemy meddled with our affairs, our sufferings have never ceased. This day, at least, Poles and Turks, we must employ every effort to repair the