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the present domestic policy of Prussia, there are others exhibiting a singular contrast to the measures of Reform introduced by the late Baron Stein, with no very careful regard to vested rights and feudal traditions; and the Catholic inspirations of the Berliner Politische Wochenblatt emanated with an ill grace from the city which seems to affect the rank of the capital of Protestant Germany. Accordingly, the views of the government have never been identified with the writings of the Wochenblatt; and Jarcke himself left Berlin for Vienna,* where it is supposed his talents will be utilized, and his honest zeal will be directed by one, who is known to appreciate enthusiasm, without suffering himself to be carried away by it. In consequence of his removal, the Wochenblatt has lost in interest; its language had always been tinctured by a mystical philosophy, and its manner far from popular; a more than usual dryness has since been observable in its pages; it has almost ceased to be quoted by the other papers. By whom it is supported, is not known; but the present opinion is that, from the narrowness of its circulation, it cannot support itself.

To the same school with Jarcke (setting aside his religious views) may be said to belong Professors Lancizotte of Berlin, and Vollgraff of Marburg. The latter has published a work on the "Fallacies of the Representative System," which was burned by the students of Marburg, who further manifested their dislike by a most abominable charivari (Katzen Musik is the expressive German term). This, certainly, is no proof of the soundness of their criticism; but it is a sample of the reception which those are likely to meet with who maintain that "the whole representative system is a delusion."

After mentioning these names, I should not think myself warranted in adding that of a gallant officer, without observing that he is not a theorist; but that the remarks which I am going to quote (chiefly on account of the sensation which they have produced) appear to have been casually dropped, rather than dogma

The knowing in these matters will be reminded of the invitation from Berlin to Vienna of Gentz and Friedrich von Schlegel.

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tically put forth. Lieutenant-General von Bismark, late Envoy Extraordinary of the King of Wirtemberg to the Court of Berlin, was invited, in 1834, by the Emperor Nicholas, to pay a visit to St. Petersburgh. In the course of last summer he followed the call, and the results of his personal observations he has just given to the world in a work On the Military Forces of Russia in 1835." After so many years of peace, his heart was of course warmed by the sight of a body of ancient warriors, and of the brilliant manœuvres executed by them under the eye of the Emperor; and, as we are left to conclude, for the gratification of the honoured guest. How different this scene from what will happen in most of the States, where the time of service is conventionally short-a succession of raw recruits, or of soldiers who, however well trained, will in their hearts be indifferent to the service, thinking of the period when their term shall be expired, and when they may be allowed to return to their domestic occupations. Standing armies appear to his mind to be identified with the cause of civilization *. He expatiates upon the present extent and future destinies of Russia, and he intimates, that "to this power must ultimately belong the decision (das Richteramt) of the great contest of human or illegitimate rebellion against the divinelyinstituted or monarchical order of the world." Such and the like phrases were, immediately after the publication of the book, made the subject of animadversion in the Chambers, as not very well compatible with the principles of a free constitution; and a severe critique of the work found its way into the columns of the "Beobachter," a Stuttgart opposition paper. General von Bismark, who is considered an authority on military affairs, stands high, and deservedly high, in the personal estimation of the King; and it has been observed, that the fact of the admission of such a critique by the ordeal of the censorship seems to indicate a conviction, on the part of this Government, “that an undue leaning to the system of the East is quite as un-German, and open to censure, as the opposite inclination to the principles of our Western neighbours to the prejudice of German nationality."

As they seem to be in Egypt.

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While I am on this subject, allow me to add an extract from a review of the "Portfolio," in the Hanoversche Zeitung." This paper is deserving of notice from its quasi-official character, and from the ability with which its leading articles are generally drawn up. Great credit for sincerity is to be given to the Hanoversche Zeitung," when it affirms that "it would be quite superfluous to discuss the idea of a Russian protectorate, which is not so much as dreamt of in Germany;" and when it goes on to say, "The natural ally of Germany is England. Between these two countries a relation of dependence is out of the question; but they are standing in need of each other; they will mutually make up for what each of them, single-handed, would not attain; and when the international relations occasioned by the revolution of July shall have relaxed, they will meet again in the first crisis of European affairs. Both these nations, of Teutonic origin, the one the greatest maritime, the other the greatest continental, power, are enabled and called upon unanimously to defend their own independence and the liberty of the world against any inroad by the Slavic or Romanic nations, as they have done twenty-one years ago." When it is added, that circumstances such as those of 1813 would justify the renewal also of a Russian alliance, this is what no one will feel inclined to dispute; since it would be folly to suffer the balance of Europe to be put into jeopardy from aversion to a power which may, for the time being, have a similar interest in maintaining it. The question is not of alliance, but of protectorship; and the "Hanoversche Zeitung" might have spared the remark, if it had attended to the distinction between hostility to Russia and opposition to any encroachment upon national independence. A few conciliatory observations are added upon the subject of Prussia. They are, indeed, remarkably good-tempered; and enough has been said to show that the publication of the "Memoir on the Policy of Prussia" has not been thrown away. After observing (in which, indeed, every German may concur) that, in 1814, the hands of Prussia ought to have been strengthened on the side of the Rhine, it is said that there are two ways for Prussia to assert her authority; that the

one — a refined, but bottomless policy-has been sketched in the Memoir in question, which appears to be the production of a private pen, without any previous authorisation, or (as far as is known) any subsequent sanction, while the Conservative principles of loyalty and good faith have been laid down in the "Memoir of Count Bernstorff."

I leave you to conclude what must be the state of the German press, when we must feel our way with the assistance of such slender materials, and when we must hail with satisfaction even such very slight indications of the recurrent tide of national feeling.

GERMANICUS VINDEX.

FURTHER AGGRESSIONS AGAINST CRACOW.

Cracow, June 28th, 1836.

M. Lieman, the Austrian Resident, in going to Vienna, was the bearer of a new project of reforms to be introduced into our political constitution and into that of the university.

This project had been drawn up by our little diplomatic trinity. According to the constitution sanctioned by the treaty of Vienna, the reigning senate was composed of twelve senators; the constitution, remodelled without the knowledge of Europe, in 1833, does not admit of more than eight. This number had appeared during the recent events too democratic still, and it was proposed to reduce it to four.

During this time, M. Ancillon, informed of the incorrectness of the reports of the Prussian Resident, sent to Cracow a certain M. Welke, charged with an order to the Prussian Resident to lay before him all the acts relative to the emigrants. The report of M. Welke, contradictory in many points to that of the Residents, seems to have attracted the serious attention of M. Ancillon, for he communicated it to Prince Metternich. That which has most struck the two ministers is the news which had been spread by the Residents respecting the pretended flight of General Chlopicki, a circumstance which has called forth a severe reprimand from the Austrian government to the Director of Police at Podgorze, for having neglected at the time to furnish an accurate report of it. In all this one has seen nothing more than a dirty Muscovite intrigue. As a consequence of this event, M. Lieman, who had set out in the hope of being named Resident at Cracow, has returned in the character of simple Representative, ad interim, of the Resident.

Since this period also the rumours of reforms have ceased;

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