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The Cabinet of Charles X. wanting to divert the attention of France from their attempts at subverting the Charter by a spectacle of conquest and military glory, availed itself of a pretended insult to their agent, and seized upon Algiers, considering it an independent State, and therefore that they were robbing no one but the Dey, who had offered the insult; and, so complete was the delusion in France, that M. Lamartine, in order to prove that Turkey was dismembered by its internal weakness, and not by the efforts of Russia, assisted by the active co-operation of all the European powers, asserts that the battle of Navarin produced no sensation at the Regencies, whereas it was deemed necessary to place centinels at the door of every Frank, on the news being known, to protect them from an excited populace. M. Lamartine adds, that the conquest of Algiers produced as little effect at Constantinople, although, to say nothing more, at the time that he penned these lines, a Turkish Ambassador was on the road to Paris, to claim the restitution of Algiers. I have thought it necessary to notice these facts, in order that we may perceive the antagonistic position in which France is placed, with regard to the Porte, by this act of unjust aggression. It now becomes a matter of inquiry how she was instigated to it.

At first Russia conceived the design of acquiring a plea of interfering in the affairs of these Provinces, by her taking the Knights of Jerusalem under her protection. But I presume that that scheme was abandoned from seeing that the spirit of the age took a different turn, and she conceived the idea of putting France in collision with the Sultan. That she was the instigator in the affair of Algiers is a matter of notoriety. Her motives recent announcements explained.

I now come to speak of the unwarrantable interference of the English agent in the affairs of Tripoli, which sufficiently shows the mistake we made in rendering him not only independent of the British Ambassador at Constantinople, but also in making him correspond with the Colonial Office, thereby rendering him irresponsible for all the complications he may introduce into our foreign policy.

The cause of its being arranged that he should correspond with

that office sufficiently evinces that he has overstepped his authority in meddling in the political arrangements of the people. As Malta is dependent on the opposite coast for provisions, it was necessary to have an officer resident at the Bey's court to render the intercourse as easy as possible, and he corresponded with the Colonial Office, because it was never contemplated that he should have other objects in view than facilitating the provisioning of our colony. But, as the nature of his office was not clearly defined and little controled, and as he aspired to the rank of a diplomatist, he must needs interfere in a domestic quarrel between the two sons of a Bey that had abdicated, and employ the whole force of his influence, namely, the influence that he possessed in virtue of his office, to excite the neighbouring tribes to carry on war against the government to which he was accredited, justifying this extraordinary conduct, to which I suspect he was led by a feeling of animosity, occasioned by a personal quarrel, by representing that the Bey, whom he opposed, was sold to France; as if all the neighbouring states would not be sufficiently jealous of a Power that had so unscrupulously taken possession of Algiers; as if any thing but the distractions brought about by the Representative of England could induce them to throw themselves into the arms of France, if the idea could be contemplated for a moment.*

After a bootless struggle, the sole result of which was that the country was depopulated and property destroyed, both parties finally agreed to abide by the decision of the Porte, who sent troops, and endeavoured to rescue the country from the hands of the two contending parties. But they were betrayed into many errors, partly by their desire to establish what would be called in Europe supremacy over the Tripolitans, and partly by the instigations of Russia, who, by the Treaty of Unkiar Skelessi, has a right to interfere in their domestic concerns.

The hostility of the Moors to the French army of occupation

* We refer our readers to the article on Greece to see what a convenient power France may be made, to terrify those who do not understand the questions discussed in the East, and to cover every sort of political delinquency.-ED.

has given a pretext for France to attempt to extend her possessions on the coast of Africa, whilst the position that Russia occupies at Constantinople, together with the position in which France has placed herself, gives her an opportunity, by her double action on the Divan and at Paris, of bringing France and Turkey into collision.

Tunis, ready a year ago to throw herself into the hands of the Porte, is now estranged from her, seeing the errors she has been led to commit in the neighbouring Regency; whilst the Bey of Constantine, placed between Tunis and Algiers, may have to struggle for existence.

The Turkish and French squadrons are brought into hostile presence. In the event of an engagement taking place, which the Russian officers on board the former will endeavour to bring about, if the French are defeated, national animosity against the Turks revives in full vigour amongst the French, who will cry aloud for vengeance.

If the Turks are defeated, the forces of the Porte are weakened; national animosity is directed from their real foes; perhaps their confidence in us will be weakened by our supposed alliance with the French, which Russia will attempt to establish now as much as she attempted to invalidate it before: whilst in either event a casus fœderis will arise, and an opportunity be offered to Russia of garrisoning Constantinople on the plea that the Sultan is in danger.

Submitting these observations to the superior knowledge of one who possesses documents revealing the secret actions of the Russian Cabinet, whilst I can only put together facts of common notoriety,

I have the honour to be,

A CONSTANT READER.

POSTSCRIPT, JULY 20.

[The following extracts from Letters which we have this moment received from Greece realize the worst apprehensions we had entertained for the fate of that unhappy country.]

Nauplia, June 2, 1836.

THINGS are going on very badly in the Peloponnesus. There is no personal safety any where. Every part is infested by banditti, who make incursions even to the very towns. Thirty of these people appeared at Navarin, where they robbed and murdered several persons. Three days ago, seven of these banditti entered the house of Pazzaoura at Argos, and, after murdering him, wounded his daughter; but they did not succeed in plundering the house. Before this transaction, they had broken through the wall of Zinzo, receiver of Nomos, but could not discover his money. The ferment is great. You see what a state we are now in. God protect us!

I am very glad that the French government, referring to the reasons of the Minister, has at length consented to grant to the Greek government part of the third instalment of the Greek loan; but what benefit is Greece likely to derive from that?

Athens, June 5, 1836.

Though certain that you possess ample information concerning the unhappy state of our country, still I think that I ought to give you a description of what is passing. The deplorable state of Greece is such that it must make the heart bleed, not of a Greek only, but even of a friend of the Greeks. A public but perfectly just discontent pervades the hearts of all the Hellenes. events in Acarnania are nothing but the immediate consequence

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of this discontent. Those who are fond of disturbances and an ever-vacillating state of the country profit by the disposition of the public mind in Greece, and excite insurrections. Those who, under the impulse of this discontent, have taken up arms, and are now considered as rebels, promulgate their apology, and justify themselves by declaring that, while they were awaiting an end to the Regency, and regarding the accession of his Majesty to the throne, as the only efficacious means of a total cure of their ancient wounds, they have seen only an arch-chancellorship, administered by a man whose previous actions, and even whose present conduct, clearly display hostile sentiments towards the Hellenes and his unfitness to govern them.

My object is not to make an exhibition of my politics, but only to lay before you a picture of the present state of things. It is very true that the insurgents have been dispersed by the troops of the government, that they have been driven back beyond the frontiers of the kingdom, but unfortunately they still exist, scattered as they are over the bordering countries. But, apart from this, acts of pillage and rebellion begin to appear in the Peloponnesus. Government can undertake nothing against these men, though it has exhausted the public exchequer, and set all the military force in motion. The absence of his Majesty in such critical circumstances will no doubt be attended with a general insurrection, and he who has advised his Majesty to leave Greece at such a moment cannot be considered any other than its most inveterate enemy, and a traitor to the country.

Such is the sad and deplorable condition of our native land. The prime mover and provoking cause of the insurrection and all the disturbances is generally thought to be Count Armansperg. It is to him that the people ascribe all their calamities; and all, with one accord, wish for the banishment of the arch-chancellor, since the very term arch-chancellor, as a tyrannical expression, excites horror in every true Greek heart.

I repeat then, with profound grief, that a general convulsion is impending. Greek blood will certainly be again spilt in Greece,

VOL. III.NO. XXVI.

Y Y

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