of August 3rd, 1972, itself, and on the subsequent decision taken in accordance with that the decree by the USSR Council of Ministers. In the Soviet view, this situation obviates the need for repealing the decree of August 3rd."

Kissinger provided commentary on the second message: “In other words, the decree makes it possible for them to suspend the requirement to refund state educational expenses. So it's a face-saving-Mr. President, it's a face-saving formula of saying they're not going to repeal the law, but they said the exemption from the requirement to refund state educational expenses is being granted on the basis of the law."

After some discussion among the group, Nixon responded: "What they are saying is that their law of August is still in force-in force-but that the law expressly provides for exemption, and their action in providing for exemption here is consistent with the law. The law remains, but, actually, under that law, we get an exemption. And that's it. That's really what you're getting here, and I think that's the face-saver."

Kissinger continued reading the message: "D) then is just a technical point: 'The President is free to transmit the contents of the official Soviet statement, as well as of these additional explanatory points to the Congress.""

Kissinger commented on the communication: "So, this, therefore, has a high degree of formality attached to it. These are the communications which, in our judgment, effectively restore the situation to what it was on August 1st, 1972, so that then-now our problem is this: do we use the MFN legislation, which has—we've already used effectively to get the head tax repealed—to attach additional riders to it, and, therefore, sabotage the whole context of the negotiations into which this was built, including Soviet restraint in the Middle East? Or, do we go back to what was the original approach: namely, steady Presidential pressure, in his channel, on the Soviet Government to help improve the situation, as it was on August 1st, 1972, which we're not declaring to be satisfactory. This is the issue which we now face, and this is why we have made such a strong case—”

Nixon briefly reflected on what the message meant in regard to MFN and the Jackson Amendment. He then concluded: "If the Jackson Amendment is passed, you know, with a straight-out declaration that makes the Soviet back down before the whole world on this thing that it would seriously jeopardize the possibility of going forward with the meetings we're going to have." The tape recording of the conversation is in the National Archives, Nixon Presidential Materials, White House Tapes, Cabinet Room, Conversation No. 123-1. The editor transcribed the portion of the conversation printed here specifically for this volume.

The hour-long meeting, after which the Jewish leaders issued a statement, was reported in The New York Times. ("Nixon Tells Jewish Leaders Soviet Union Has Ended Exit Tax," April 20, 1973)

100. Memorandum of Conversation1

Washington, April 25, 1973, 12:15–12:45 p.m.

PARTICIPANTS

Mr. Jay Lovestone, AFL-CIO

Dr. Henry A. Kissinger, Special Assistant to the President for National Security
Affairs

[Omitted here is discussion unrelated to the Soviet Union.]

Dr. Kissinger: Can you hold the labor movement here together in regard to foreign policy?

Mr. Lovestone: As long as Meany2 is alive. I don't think anybody can make a sharp turnabout. We are going to go much further than the Jackson amendment on MFN to Russia.

Dr. Kissinger: My feeling is I think it is wrong to make American foreign policy dependent on one minority.

Mr. Lovestone: I look at it as tit-for-tat. We see certain things we want. Tear down that wall, and self-determination. We can say that.

You can't.

Dr. Kissinger: We can't. We will have to oppose you.

Mr. Lovestone: Tomorrow night Meany is making a very strong speech. It will not be anything insulting; it is a tightly reasoned speech. Dr. Kissinger: Are you writing it?

Mr. Lovestone: It doesn't matter, it is already written.

Dr. Kissinger: [Smiling] The trouble with you fellows is that you are soft.

1 Source: National Archives, Nixon Presidential Materials, NSC Files, Box 1027, Presidential/HAK Memcons, Memcons, April-Nov. 1973. Secret. The meeting took place in Kissinger's office in the White House.

2 George Meany, President of the American Federation of Labor-Congress of Industrial Organizations (AFL-CIO).

3 See "Meany Charges 'Lies' on Economy," The New York Times, April 27, 1973, p. 77. * These and following brackets are in the original.

Let me tell you my analysis. I have no illusions about the Soviets. If I were a member of the Politburo I could make a great case against Brezhnev in regard to the détente. He has received nothing.

Mr. Lovestone: Yes, he has gotten some things.

Dr. Kissinger: He has the long-term trend in Europe going for him. But the economic situation is bad.

Mr. Lovestone: They are in a serious situation; they are not bankrupt, but they have serious problems. Their productive capacity in comparison to ours is 40 percent.

Dr. Kissinger: Their system doesn't work. It is impossible to run a modern economy by state planning.

Mr. Lovestone: They are not stopping or reducing their armament production. The ideological drive in the army has been stepped up a little.

I think the most heroic people in the world today are the Jews in Russia. The President has stood up well. He is very popular over there.

Dr. Kissinger: For them to abrogate the head tax in a formal communication to another government is incredible.5 They can keep people from emigrating in other ways.

Mr. Lovestone: In November they warned people to talk discreetly over the telephone. There is the problem of tapping over there too. We are sending Brown from Africa to Europe to step up our European work.

Dr. Kissinger: Right now we are trying to get a little breathing space and get the Vietnam war agitation quieted down and to manipulate the Chinese-Soviet situation.

Mr. Lovestone: The Chinese will help you.

Dr. Kissinger: They will work with us. By the way, Woodcock'

wants to see me.

Mr. Lovestone: I'll tell you why, it is the old issue [the promise to Russia]. We will fight it.

Dr. Kissinger: Shall I see him at all? Can I take the position that we will be going by what the AFL-CIO says?

Mr. Lovestone: Say that it has always been the position of the American party. If you turn him down, he won't shed any tears. He doesn't really believe in it himself. They don't even have any money to pay dues, they are in bad shape financially.

5 See Documents 89, 95, and 96.

"Not further identified.

7 Leonard Woodcock, President of the United Automobile Workers (UAW).

Dr. Kissinger: Why?

Mr. Lovestone: The strike. This is a crazy country. General Motors helped them while they were on strike against them. Our warfare is civilized warfare. You saw the steel and rubber agreements. The trade union movement is a solid, practical, living union.

Tomorrow in his speech Meany is going to ask why people poke fun at patriots.

Dr. Kissinger: Good. I don't know what we would do without you. The businessmen in this country are a disgrace. Look at Kendall of Pepsi Cola, he would sell the country for a contract. You people in the labor unions, we could not have gotten through Vietnam without you. Should I come by sometime and talk to Meany?

you.

Mr. Lovestone: By all means. He would like to see you.

Dr. Kissinger: I will see him. I just want him to know that I saw

Mr. Lovestone: He knows. I was late because we were going over the manuscript and I told him I had an appointment with you. We will bring in Lane Kirkland, the Secretary of the Treasury. He is number one in the running as his successor.

Dr. Kissinger: How old is Meany?

Mr. Lovestone: 79.

Dr. Kissinger: And you?

Mr. Lovestone: I am going on 73. I have lived through Lenin, I have spent a weekend with Hitler. I have seen a lot.

Dr. Kissinger: I would like to be in touch with you. If you have something on your mind, will you call me? I am a very busy man, and sometimes I don't have the time.

Mr. Lovestone: I know, and I hate to bother you. Generally I am not here on Monday or Friday. On Monday and Friday I usually am in my office in New York.

This week there is a meeting at the U.N. of Latin American countries. One gets up and says, "I am a Mexican, and I am proud of it." If you listen to them they are happy.

Dr. Kissinger: Do they do anything after you listen to them?

Mr. Lovestone: They should not have the feeling that they are kept people. Now the Europeans are trying to come in.

Dr. Kissinger: From a leftist position?

Mr. Lovestone: No.

8 Donald Kendall, Chairman and Chief Executive Officer of PepsiCo.

When Brandt is here he wants to discuss AFL-CIO/DGB relations. State replied correctly that this was a concern of the organizations and not of theirs. Now they want us to come over. Vetter" is coming here and wants to talk to Mr. Meany. Meany sent them a short note saying fine for a brief meeting and they blew the whole thing out of proportion.

They are going to welcome Shelepin1o and I am going to publish at the same time an indictment of Shelepin as a murderer. And they are going to be in trouble for that one. They are going to call him a diplomat. He can't come into Germany without risking arrest.

Dr. Kissinger: For more than 50 years, more like 100 years, they have destroyed the peace of the world. The Germans are not vicious, they are stupid. Brandt thinks he can play Brezhnev against Nixon, and also play a little with the Chinese. He thinks he can conduct a foreign policy that even we find hard to do.

Mr. Lovestone: Leber11 is a good man. Before I go let me say one more thing. We have made three proposals. The first is to have a meeting with all the parties. We then wanted the DGB to declare a moratorium for one year in the exchanges with the Iron Curtain countries. But they wouldn't buy this. Finally, we proposed to bring here as our guest the head of the metal trades. They bought this, but wouldn't buy the others.

Dr. Kissinger: I would like to stay in close touch with you. We are going to have a rough four years.

Heinz Oskar Vetter, Chairman of the Deutscher Gewerkschaftsbund (DGB), an umbrella organization of German trade unions.

10 Alexander Shelepin, head of the KGB from 1958 to 1961 and member of the Politburo from 1964 to 1975.

11 Georg Leber, West German Minister of Defense.