the indemnity for Tibet and to act in such a way that China's suzerainty in Tibet be not impaired. The British Government absolutely refused to negotiate with the Chinese authorities, unless China would acknowledge the validity of the Anglo-Tibetan agreement concluded on September 7th, 1904. The real motive of this stand of the British Government was to force China actually to acknowledge that Tibet was within the British "sphere of influence" and thus Great Britain would have monopolistic economic privileges and political preponderance there. China had to choose between absolutely losing hold over Tibet, in some form or other and the acknowledgement of the establishment of the British "sphere of influence" in Tibet, and thus partial impairment of her sovereignty in that region. China chose the course of signing the Anglo-Chinese Agreement concerning Tibet on April 27th, 1906, the principal articles of which are as follows:

Art. 1. The Convention concluded on September 7th, 1904 by Great Britain and Tibet is hereby confirmed, subject to the modifications stated in the declaration appended thereto, and both of the High Contracting Parties engage to take at all times such steps as may be necessary to secure the due fulfilment of terms specified therein.

Art. 2. The Government of Great Britain engages not to annex territory or interfere in the administration of Tibet. The Government of China also undertakes not to permit any other foreign state to interfere with the territory or internal administration of Tibet.

Art. 3. The concessions which are mentioned in the Art. IX. (d) of the Convention concluded on September 7th, 1904, by Great Britain and Tibet are denied to any state or to the subject of any state other than China, but it has been arranged with China that at the trade marts specified in the Art. II of the afore-said Convention, Great Britain shall be entitled to lay down telegraph lines connecting with India. 3

ANGLO-RUSSIAN ENTENTE AND TIBET

After securing the Anglo-Chinese agreement concerning Tibet, Britain moved to secure Russian consent regarding her status there. In In 1907 Great Britain and Russia

made

a general settlement of all outstanding questions, so far as possible to enter into an entente. The question of partitioning Persia, establishment of a British sphere of influence in Afghanistan as well as in Tibet. and the extension of the Russian sphere of influence in Mongolia, were agreed upon by the High Contracting Parties. The following is the text of the agreement arrived at regarding Tibet.

3 China Year Book, 1916, pp. 607-608

The Governments of Great Britain and Russia recognising the suzerain rights of China in Tibet, and considering the fact that Great Britain, by reason of her geographical position, has a special interest in the maintenance of the status quo in the external relations of Tibet, have made the following arrangement :

"Art. 1. The High Contracting Parties engage to respect the territorial integrity of Tibet and to abstain from all interference in its internal administration.

"Art. II. In conformity with the admitted principles of the suzerainty of China over Tibet, Great Britain and Russia engage not to enter into negotiations with Tibet except through the intermediary of the Chinese Government. The engagement does not exclude the direct relations between British Commercial Agents and the Tibetan authorities provided in Art V. of the Convention_between Great Britain and Tibet of the 7th of September 1904, and confirmed by the Conventions between Great Britain and China of the 27th of April 1906, nor does it modify the engagements entered into by Great Britain in Art I. of the said Convention of 1906.

It is clearly understood that Buddhists, subjects of Great Britain or of Russia, may enter with the Dalai Lama, and the other representatives into direct relations on strictly religious matters of Buddhism in Tibet. The Governments of Great concerned, not to allow those relations to infringe Britain and Russia engage as far as they are the stipulations of the present Arrangement.

"Art III. The British and Russian Governments respectively engage not to send representatives to Lhasa.

"Art IV. The two High Contracting Parties engage neither to seek, nor to obtain, whether for themselves or for their subjects any concessions for railways, roads, telegraphs, and mines or other rights in Tibet.

"Art. V. The two Governments agree that no part of the revenue of Tibet, whether in kind or cash, shall be pledged or assigned to Great Britain or Russia or to any of their subjects.

4

The real motive of the Convention is to make Russia agree to acknowledge the British

4. McMurray's Treatise on China.

Annex to the arrangement between Great Britain and Russia concerning Tibet: "Great Britain re-affirms the Declaration, signed by His Excellency the Viceroy and Governor-General of India and appended to the ratification of the Convention of the 7th of September 1904 to the effect that the occupation of the Chumbi Valley by the British forces shall cease after the payment of three annual instalments of the indemnity of 2,500,000 rupees, provided that the trade marts mentioned in the Art. II. of the Convention have been effectively open for three years, and that in the meantime the Tibetan authorities have faithfully complied in all respects with the terms of the said Convention in 1904. It is clearly understood that if the occupation of the Chumbi Valley by the British forces has, for any reason, not been terminated at the time anticipated in the above declaration, the British and Russian Governments will enter upon a friendly exchange of views on this subject."

sphere of influence in Tibet and thus come to an agreement about the future plan of action. The so-called Chinese suzerainty was kept up as a matter of fiction and to save the face of the Chinese, who would not recognise the validity of any document which would eliminate China from Tibet in theory. This fact was fully understood by all responsible statesmen. The late Marquis Okuma, former premier of Japan made the following pertinent remark on this subject :

"Tibet has long been considered as a 'British sphere of interest', though under the Convention of August 31st, 1907, Great Britain and Russia agreed not to enter into negotiations with Tibet except through the Chinese Government, send representatives to Lhasa". 5

nor to

This makes it clear, that by the common agreement between Russia and Great Britain, China remained the titular head and Great Britain became the real controller of Tibet ; because, Art. IX Of the Anglo-Tibetan Agreement remained in force.

Gulf

After the conclusion of the Anglo-Russian Agreement there was a little lull in British activities towards Tibet; and this was due to the revolution in Turkey, a serious and most delicate situation in the Persian and Persia, and the grave situation in North Africa involving interests of all great Powers. The British march towards Tibet had to wait for awhile until these problems were solved.

CHINESE EFFORTS TO REASSERT CHINESE
SOVEREIGNTY IN TIBET

"The British expedition to Tibet in 1903-4 turned the attention of the Chinese Government to those remote high-lands; and in 1905 a determined effort was commenced to bring Szechuan marshes, and eventually Tibet itself under direct Chinese administration."

In order to accomplish this, the Chinese Government took elaborate measures to reorganise the government of the province of Szechuan. Chao-Erh-haun was made the Governor of Szechuan and his brother, who was an energetic and able military leader, was made Amban for Tibet. From 1905 to 1910 the work of consolidating Chinese sovereignty in Szechuan border and Tibet, was carried on with great vigor. He not only subjugated the Chinese border tribes, but "Chinese settlers were imported, military posts were carried all the way to Lhasa, and in 1910 a force of 1,000 men were stationed at Lhasa itself."

5 The Chinese Revolution and World Peace by Marquis Okuma. The Independent, New York, July 25, 1912.

6

The Chinese Government did not take kindly to the Dalai Lama, who fled from Lhasa when the British were about to enter Lhasa. The Dalai Lama took refuge in Mongolia. The Peking Government, by a decree of July 19th, 1907, summoned him to Peking; and he reached Peking, September 28th, and was accomodated in the Yellow Temple. In 1908, March 9th, a decree was issued laying down the program of general reform and modern improvement for Tibet. The Dalai Lama, after returning to Tibet, "invoked assistance of the British Government", and later on fled to India, taking refuge at Darjeeling. This happened about the 12th of February; and on the 25th of February China deposed the Dalai Lama and "informed Great Britain that this step did not affect the arrangement (the AngloChinese Treaty) of 1906". Under the pretext that the Chinese activitiy is dangerous to the safety of Nepal, Bhutan and Sikkim, which were formerly Chinese dependencies before the establishment of the British protectorate. Great Britain protested against the Chinese advance in Tibet and any pretensions in these Provinces.

The Chinese revolution brought about a serious change in Tibet, so far as the Chinese Sovereignty was concerned. Tibetans arose against the authority of the Chinese Amban and the Chinese were massacred and Chao Erh-feng was executed. The British Government took advantage of the situation and refused to acknowledge the actual sovereignty of China in Tibet. However, on April 21st, 1912, President Yuan issued a Mandate declaring that Tibet with Mongolia and Turkestan would henceforth be regarded as provinces and integral parts of China. The British Government on May 24th, not only protested against it but demanded the status quo to be maintained in Tibet.

The Chinese Government, however, did

The Dalai Lama of Tibet took refuge in Mongolia in 1905, during the expedition of Young. Louba was the bearer of a telegram to him husband to Lhasa. He resided near Urga; and reading the telegram, or rather the from the Tzar, conveying his good wishes. After translation, he was very anxious to know if the Tzar had written his name himself on the telegram; and when told this was not the case, he was very disappointed. On this occasion the Russian Minister at Peking, M. Pokotillof brought the congratulations of the Tzar and presents, and had several audiences with the Dailai Lama. Perry Ayscough, H. G. C. and Otter-Barry, Capt. R. B. "With the Russians in Mongolia" (London, John Lane) 1914, pp. 224-225.

not give prompt attention to the British protest; but the Governor of Szechuan fitted out an expedition towards Tibet. The British Government again protested against this on August 17th, 1912. China replied to this protest on December 23, pointing out to the British that the Anglo-Chinese Treaty of 1906, did not preclude China from intervening in Tibet, and to preserve order she must maintain sufficient force in that country.

In the meantime the Chinese Government concluded peace with Tibet on August 12th, 1912, and fifteen hundred troops were allowed to leave the country via India, leaving only a guard of 200 men for the Chinese Representative Chang Ying. To mend matter with the Dalai Lama, a decree. was issued by the President of China on October 28th, 1912 restoring his title. In January 23, 1913 the Dalai Lama, who up to that time was in India negotiating with the British authorities to secure support for his restoration, returned to Lhasa and turned all his energies towards arriving at an understanding with China through British support. 7

It is well to remember that the third Anglo-Japanese Alliance was signed on July 13, 1911, at the wake of which, secret understanding between Japan and Russia followed. In this connection it may be mentioned that the Russo-Japanese understandings of 1907 and 1910 were by-products of the AngloJapanese Alliance. Because of these alliances, Japan opposed the principle of internationalizing the railroads in Manchuria, as advocated by the U. S. Secretary of State, Mr. Knox, and Russia joined with Japan in protesting against the Knox plan. The British Government supported Japan and Russia in this project of partitioning Manchuria into two spheres of influence between Russia and Japan, because, by it was conceded to the British by Russia "freedom of action and her (British) privileged position in Tibet. This happened in 1912." 8

THE CHINESE REVOLUTION AND BRITISH EXPANSION IN TIBET

The Chinese revolution was as if providential for the British Government to make her hold on Tibet firmer than ever. The fear of

7 Tibet (Handbook prepared under the Direction of the Historic Section of the Foreign Office) published by His Majesty's Stationary Office, London, 1920.

8. Reinsch, Paul S.; Secret Diplomacy. (New York, 1922), pp. 143-145.

the British Government was, should there be a powerful and centralized government in China, and could the Chinese organise an effective army, then China might offset British agrression from the side of Burma and Tibet. The fear of Great Britain was exactly of a similar nature with that of Austria and Italy, after the Turkish revolution. Austria with the tacit consent of the European Powers, annexed Bosnia and Herzgovina. Italy annexed Tripoli, with the support of the Triple Entente, particularly Great Britain and France, in violation of all solemn agreements to uphold the territorial integrity of the Ottoman Empire. It was also similar to what happened to Persia after the Persian revolution, when Great Britain, Russia and Germany were anxious to extend their territorial and political control over that country. After the Chinese revolution, when Yuan Shi Kai, the President of the Chinese Republic, with the support of the National Assembly, started to assert Chinese sovereignty over Tibet, 9

9 "On March 16th, 1912, Yuan Shi Kai was inaugurated as President of the Chinese Republic. He promised to develop a Republic and created the nation from the five races---Chinese, Manchu, Mongolian, Mohamedan, (Sic) and Tibetan---symbolised in the colors of the Republican flag. Russian and British foreign offices were highly indignant because the new government refused to admit the thesis that Mongolia and Tibet were practically independent---which meant that these two provinces were sufficiently detached from China to be attached to the Russian and British Empires."--New York, 1919. Gibbons, Herbert Adams ---The New Map of Asia.

"The situation after the Chinese revolution was a serious one for the new Republic. International pressure was used against the newly born Republic to sell her interest to please other nations. Yuan Shi Kai as the President, had a very hard job to preserve the integrity of China. If he refused to continue to sell the interests of China, as the old Imperial Government had done, the Foreign Ministers were ready to combine to prevent him from getting money to carry on his government. The British had tried to get him admit the virtual independence of Tibet and the Russians of Mongolia, while the Russians and Japanese were acting as if Manchuria was altogether lost to China. The powers backed their financiers in opposing a large loan under onerous conditions, from a consortium of bankers, which was secured by mortgaging the salt revenues and the future surplus of the maritime customs. One of its stipulations was that foreign interests should have inspectors and advisors in various departments of the Ministry of Finance, and was one more step toward bringing the country under foreign control."

Gibbons, Herbert Adams: An Introduction to World Politics, (New York, Century Co. ), 1922, pp. 313-3.

the British Government showed its hand and did its work in opposing the Chinese claim in a masterly way. The British Government gave an ultimatum to the Chinese Government to the effect that, China had her suzerainty in Tibet but she would not be allowed to send any large force to enforce Chinese

sovereignty there.

Mr. Percival Langdon lucidly explains how this ultimatum solved the question in favor of Great Britian. He says:-

as

"This (British) ultimatum courteously worded it is. amounts to a declaration to the Chinese Ministry that the maintenance of the status quo in Tibet, in which India is directly interested, is inconsistent with the despatch of a large armed force from China to Lhasa. England readily admits Chinese

suzerainty, but sees no reason why more than a Resident with a small escort should be needed to maintain the dignity of the Celestials in Lhasa. And to bring home the seriousness of her intentions, she is compelled to decline to recognise the new Republic until she has definite assurances on these points. At first, it was reported that China had refused to give them, but this appears to have been merely an obiter dictum of the Vice Minister of Foreign Affairs who was promptly snubbed by Yuan Shi Kai for expressing his opinions. England's request, no doubt, places China in a considerable difficulty, as she has already alloted to Tibet ten seats in the National Assembly. To cancel them will seem much like acquiescing in the relinquishment of a Province at the bidding of a foreign nation, and newly formed democracies are always unusually touchy upon such points. On the other hand, the certainty of serious trouble and the probable establishment of a permanent North Eastern question have been definitely postponed by the recreation of Tibet as an insulating force along the northern frontier, and those who have their best interests at heart will seriously congratulate the (British) Foreign Secretary upon the use that has been made of the opportunity thus unexpectedly offered to him by the Chinese revolution. " 10"

10 Tibet, China and India-by Percival Langdon. Fortnightly Review, October, 1912, pp. 655-662.

From these, two most interesting lessons can be learned by the students of Chinese political history and intrigue. Because, Yuan Shi Kai. knowing that China was not in a position to fight Great Britain on the Tibetan question, was ready to allow the British to assert diplomatically, Sir John Jordan, the then British Minister at Peking, Dr. Morrison, the then British Advisor to the Chinese Government, and all the lesser lights of the British propaganda machine in China, and all other parts of the world became ardent champions of Yuan, and at the same time denouncing Dr. Sun Yat Sen and other leaders of South China who did not approve of British encroachment in China through Tibet to be allowed to continue unchecked. The most ardent of the Chinese statesmen who took lively interest in the preservation of Chinese suzerainty in Tibet was the Rt. Hon. Tong Shao Yi, who was regarded by the British Government

THE ABOHR EXPEDITION AND ITS MOTIVE

In the autumn of 1911 the Government of India sent an expedition to the region inhabited by the Abohrs, the tribesmen occupying the frontier regions of Burma and Tibet. This was generally spoken of as a minor operation entered into solely for of an Indian punishing the murderers official, Mr. Williamson, and an accompanying doctor, who were there, in the mission to study the frontier conditions. But the real motive of the Government of India in undertaking the Abohr Expedition was to check Chinese efforts to have any secure footing in this region. Chinese immigration was steadily flowing towards Burma and even to the borders of Assam, and the Government of India was apprehensive of the growing Chinese strength. The real trend of the British policy can be fully appreciated from following remarks of a British observer:

the

"This (The Abohr Expedition), as has been said, was ostensibly a mission sent to punish one or two villages for the murder of a British official. In reality, it was part of a much greater scheme; it covered an intention to get some accurate knowledge of this totally unknown frontier of Burma and Tibet, which rapidly threatened to become the scene of some difficulty with the Chinese.

"Fully alive as he was to the advantages of taking action, Lord Hardinge determined that the district must be surveyed and the frontier demarcated. Orders were therefore issued that besides two parties in Burma, three or four surveying sections should take advantage of the protection afforded by the presence of an effective Indian force in the neighbourhood to arrive at some knowledge of the life of this unknown land. But it is the beginning, and for those who had ears there was a hint in the famous proclamation

as their sworn enemy. The second fact that should be remembered is, that the British Government fished in troubled waters with great dexterity. If in place of Tibet, a similiar situation happened in Manchuria or in Yunan, what would have the other nations, especially the British Foreign Office, said to Japan or France? If the British idea of creating a British Buffer State in Tibet for the sake of the protection of India is alright, then Japan might as well legitimately work for, establishing a Buffer state in Manchuria on the ground of the protection of Koria and her posessions on the mainland of Asia; France can press a similar claim in Yunan to protect her interests in Indo-China. Great Britain, the supposed friend of the Chinese democracy, which sees in Japan a menace to China, has detached a province of China, and it was done by giving a polite ultimatum. This action of Great Britain is no less pernicious, if not more dangerous than the much condemned Japanese Twenty-one Demands.

at the Delhi Durbar last December (1911), that this quarter of the frontier will in the future receive the special attention of the Indian Government. Lord Hardinge may at least congratulate himself upon turning Assam into a North-Eastern Frontier Province in such a way that of those who heard or read the Imperial proclamation last December (1911) not one in a million realized that the thing was done under the cover of the dust that was being raised by changes of vast romantic and controversial interest. The direct supervision of the area that seemed likely to give trouble in the near future was almost surreptitiously transfered to the Central Government; and Lord Hardinge deserves the full credit for having made this". 11°

This is the real nature of the Abohr Expedition of the British Government in India, which under the cover of a punitive expedition or a surveying of the frontier, extends its interests for the protection of India, and strengthening its position against China for the future march of British expansion into the heart of the Chinese Republic, the Yangtse region.

BRITISH POLICY OF PARTITIONING TIBET IN
OUTER AND INNER TIBET

When the world's attention was directed towards the Balkan Question, it afforded a splendid opportunity for Russia and England, in agreement with each other, to march in and despoil China of her territories of Mongolia and Tibet in a systematic way. China was just getting out of the serious situation of the revolution, and she did not have the strength to check this polite and diplomatic method of robbing her of her territories. In 1912 Russia recognized the independence of Mongolia, which virtually became a Russian protectorate. 12 With Russian assistance to Mongolia and British support to Tibet, both Mongolia and Tibet entered into an alliance which was directed against China. Although (as we have already noted) according to

the Anglo-Russian Agreement, Tibet, Russia and Britain agreed not to carry on any negotiations with Tibet without the intermediary of China, the suzerain power, the Mongol-Tibetan Alliance was concluded in

11 Tibet, China and India by Percival Langdon, in the Fortnightly Review, October, 1912; pp. 655-662.

12 Although the Soviet Russian authorities profess to be a sincere friend of the Chinese Republic, they are following exactly the same policy of making Mongolia a Russian p:otectorate, as was carried on by the Tsar's Government. Forms . of Government change, but almost in all cases national ambition continues to play its part under different disguises.

1912 through the connivance of these two great Powers of Europe.

Through the initiative of Agban Dordjef, a Buriat, on the 29th of December 1912, the Mongol-Tibetan Treaty was signed at Urga to the effect that the Mongols and Tibetans would be free from the Chinese Republic and co-operate with one another for their own safety. The four principal ârticles of the above treaty are as follows:

"Art. I. The Dalai Lama, Sovereign of Tibet, approves of and acknowledges the formation of an independent Mongolian State, and the proclamation of the 9th day of the 11th month of the Year of the Swine, of the master of the Yellow Faith Je-tsun Dampa Lama as sovereign of the land.

Art. 2. The sovereign of the Mongolian people Je-tsun Dampa Lama approves and acknowledges the formation of an independent State of Tibet and proclamation of the Dalai Lama as Sovereign of Tibet.

Art. 3. Both States shall take measures, after mutual consideration, for the prosperity of the Buddhist faith.

Art. 4. Both states, the Mongolian and Tibetans, shall henceforth, for all time, afford each other aid against dangers from without and from within"13

After the Mongol-Tibetan Treaty of Alliance was concluded, the British Government conceived the plan of dividing Tibet into Outer and Inner Tibet. (This policy was exactly in line with the Russiau policy dividing Mongolia into Inner and Outer Mongolia.) This plan was devised to bring the most populous, fertile and rich part of Tibet under British control, under the cover of establishing a "special sphere of interest" in Tibet. In October 13, 1913 a tripartite negotiation began in Simla. The boundary of Tibet was one of the important questions for discussion. The Chinese representative at first tenaciously held that there should be status quo on the basis of the existing condition after the success of the Chinese Revolution of 1911. This proposition, if accepted by Tibet and Great Britain would have accorded the Chinese the advantage of asserting their sovereignty over Tibet, because by 1910 Chao Erh-feng's forces were in control of Tibet, Dalai Lama was deposed and Tibet was actually governed as a province of the Chinese Empire. It was impossible to come to any agreement on the basis of the above-mentioned Chinese proposition; and the British representative, who was apparently

13 Perry-Ayscough, G. C. C. and Otter-Berry, R. B. With the Russians in Mongolia (London, John Lane Co.), 1914, pp. 10-11.