harvest; surely the Weymouth settlers could do the same, for, in addition to these resources, they had an abundance of oysters, which were not found at Plymouth; moreover, the proposed act would arouse the hostility of the Indians, and so far from preserving the Colonists, would but insure their destruction. Besides this public letter, Bradford privately showed Sanders his special danger of punishment as the leader. The result was the abandonment of the scheme. Sanders sailed in a shallop to Monhegan to try to buy food; but he first came to Plymouth, where from the dwindling stores he was given enough corn for his voyage. He never returned to his colony, but a substitute appointed by him ruled in his stead. Matters fast became worse at Weymouth. The settlers had a well-built village enclosed in a strong palisade; but the most of them left their houses and camped about in the woods or along the beach, where they could search for food. They had sold to the Indians nearly all their clothing for provisions, and were now half naked as well as half starved. One of them ran away and joined the savages; and one, hunting for clams, stuck in the mud, where, unable from weakness to extricate himself, he was drowned by the tide. Squalor, demoralization, and abjectness ruled everywhere, except that a handful of the better men stayed by the plantation and vainly tried to establish a healthier state of things. They even hung one of the men who had stolen corn from the natives. The Indians, on their part, were not blameless. Proud of their greater strength, they were arrogant and abusive. When the wretched whites obtained a mess of food and had nearly cooked it, the savages often came up, and taking the kettles from the fire, would devour the contents, while with drawn knives they kept off the famished owners. If on a cold night they found a white man asleep under his ragged blanket, they would strip off the covering and add it to their own couches. Their conduct was as outrageous as that of the Colonists, and lacked the excuse of starvation. 1623.] THE PLOT.-MASSASOIT'S WARNING. 225 Winslow, on his return from Sowams, found the leaders at Plymouth filled with anxiety at this state of things. He intensified their concern by giving them Massasoit's parting message, as follows: The Neponsets had determined to slaughter the Weymouth people, which they felt able to do with the nearly forty fighting men of their tribe. They made no complaint against Plymouth; but as they knew that their deed would be sternly punished by that Colony, they had extended their plan to include the simultaneous murder of the Plymouth people by neighboring tribes. A league for this purpose had been formed by the Neponsets, Nausets, Succonessets, Mattakees, Manomets, Agawaywams, and the natives of Capawak (Martha's Vineyard). Earnest entreaties had been made to Massasoit, even in his sickness, to join in the plot, but in vain. Massasoit now earnestly warned the Pilgrims to be active. He had heard them say that they would not strike until they had been struck; if they waited for the first blow, they would find that blow to be the murder of their sixty countrymen at Weymouth, whom subsequent energy could not bring back, and whose overthrow would precipitate upon Plymouth a bloodthirsty host difficult to withstand. The Chief therefore charged the Colonists, as they valued the lives of their countrymen and of themselves, to promptly seize and execute the main conspirators among the Neponsets. In no other way could the whites secure safety. Massasoit, though the federal head of all these hostile tribes, seems to have had no control over their actions; still, his sympathy would naturally be with them, and the fact that it was not so was evidence of the badness of their cause. His humanity and regard for his people gave much additional weight to his advice. The meaning of Wituwamat's harangue during Standish's recent visit at Manomet now became evident, and also why the captain's pretended friend had tried so earnestly to lure him to Pamet. This latter conspirator was still at Plymouth, seeking to draw Standish across the bay; but now that his errand was known, he was peaceably dismissed. Winslow's story was soon corroborated. Among those who in some way suffered for participation in Corbitant's Namasket escapade in 1621, was a chief called Wassapinewat, brother to Obtakiest, sachem of the Neponsets. Fearful of further retribution, he now came to Plymouth and bore witness to the new plot. April 2 (March 23 O. S.) was the day when the "court," or town-meeting of the people, was held for the annual election, and Bradford stated the case fully to the citizens. The people were much grieved at the thought of shedding the blood of those whose good they had kept prominently in view, and whom they had hoped soon to imbue with Christian love; but Massasoit's opinion on such a question was wellnigh authoritative, and their own reason was forced to indorse it. As the Governor could not wage hostilities without consent of the people, he was now clothed with due authority, and the matter placed in the hands of himself and his associates. It was by them decided that Standish should take a sufficient force, and under appearance of a trading trip, warn the Weymouth people, and then inflict suitable punishment on the conspirators; especially making sure of Wituwamat, whose head was to be brought back and used as a warning to his abettors, who might not otherwise credit the story of his overthrow. Standish selected only eight men, fearing that a larger force might alarm the Indians so that they would keep out of reach. On the day after town-meeting, as the captain was preparing for his desperate task, one of the Weymouth men of the better class, Phineas Pratt,1 made his appearance. Seeing the danger at Weymouth, Pratt had shouldered his pack, and started down the Indian path for Plymouth. An Indian followed, with the intention of killing him; but passing by while Pratt had wandered from the right path, missed his prey and went on to Manomet. 1 Pratt (a carpenter) was one of Weston's seven men who arrived in that boat (1622) which unwittingly saved Tisquantum from surrender to Massasoit (p. 203). He says they were then kindly received at Plymouth. He married at Plymouth after this second return, and died in 1680 at Charlestown, at. 90. 1623.] INDIAN INSOLENCE. 227 On April 4 (1623) Standish sailed. At Weymouth he found the "Swan," without a soul on board. Ashore was the master, who assured Standish that the Indians were so friendly that he allowed them to come and lodge with him when they pleased, and kept no arms by him. At the plantation all were living in fancied security, with the men scattered abroad in three localities. By Standish's advice, those farthest away were called home, and ordered on pain of death to stay there. Standish's provision had been taken from the Plymouth store of seed-corn, and was therefore very precious. Of this he gave a pint a day to each of the people, to prevent their straggling. The first day proving stormy, little could be done. An Indian spy came in under pretence of selling furs, and on his return reported that while the captain spoke smoothly, his eye showed that he was angry at heart. The conspirators, thereupon suspecting the plot to be discovered, assumed an air of bold defiance. Pecksuot, a noted pinese, said to Hobomok that he understood that the captain had come to kill the savages, including the speaker; and added: "Tell him we know it, but fear him not, neither will we shun him. But let him begin when he dare; he shall not take us unawares!" Several of the savages hung about Standish, whetting their knives and making insulting remarks and defiant gestures. Wituwamat also came, boasting of his knife, which had on the handle a woman's face. He said he had another at home with which he had killed both English and French; that knife had on it a man's face, and by and by the two must marry. Soon the knife should see and eat, but should not speak, by which he intimated that his weapons were more secret and terrible than the English fire-arms. Then Pecksuot, in his turn, ridiculed Standish's small stature, and dilated upon his own strength and courage. The little captain marvellously controlled his hasty temper, and manifested only indifference. He sought to get the chief conspirators together before beginning the fight; but late on the second day, concluding this to be impracticable, he made sure of such as were present. Pecksuot and a comrade, Witu wamat and his brother, a noted ruffian, though only eighteen years old,—and Standish with about an equal number of his band, were gathered in one room; and the door having been shut, the captain gave the word. The stalwart Pecksuot wore suspended from his neck a knife which he had brought to an edge all along its back, giving it a point like a needle. Standish advanced upon him, and a fierce struggle ensued for the possession of this knife. Standish won; and turning the weapon upon its owner, after a further desperate contest thrust it into his heart. Wituwamat and his comrade also fell, but the young savage was taken alive and immediately hanged. The chiefs fought with great vigor, making no outcries, but receiving an astonishing number of wounds before they succumbed. Another party slew two more Indians, and a seventh was killed by Standish. Early on the same day three of the Weymouth men had escaped and gone to live among the Indians, like him previously mentioned. That night a messenger came to the tribe with "a sad and short message," which caused all the Indian men to arm and mysteriously depart. One of the whites, becoming alarmed, urged his comrades to return; but they refusing, he skulked back alone, and so saved his life. The next morning Standish, with four of his men and two settlers, aided by Hobomok, went out to meet the tribe. The warriors were finally seen approaching in Indian file. Both parties strove for the strategic advantage of a small hill, which was at length gained by the whites. The Indians fell each behind a tree and kept up a flight of arrows, aiming chiefly at Standish and Hobomok. Then was shown the superstitious fear the savages had of a pinese;1 for Hobomok, throwing off his coat and running toward them, they turned and fled before him like a flock of sheep, until they gained the thicket of a swamp, where they hid. Standish tried to parley with them, but received only foul language. He then 1 The pineses were all supposed to have facile communication with the Devil. "Hobomok" (see Abamacho) means devil," hence the old-fashioned objurga tive references to "Hob." |