asked to sanction a further suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act, he presumed that information on the state of Ireland which made a suspension of the Act no longer necessary would be supplied at the proper time. He supposed that the passage in the Speech relating to the changes contemplated in respect to Parliamentary and municipal elections did not imply an intention to legislate directly, or to issue a Royal Commission of inquiry, but rather to recommend a Committee of Parliament-a somewhat unusual suggestion in a Royal Speech. As for the clause about rating, he awaited information on the hardships of the present system. He was surprised at the absence of any promise of a measure on primary education. He could not go into the subject of the Irish Church without further light as to the Government plan than was afforded by the rather fortuitous collocation of nouns and adjectives in which the Speech alluded to it. If, however, Lord Monck's expression of opinion on the matter represented the views of the Government, they must look on the question as something Utopian, and as one which had only a remote relation to Ireland. He hoped that at any rate the measure would, when produced, be produced as a whole, and not in instalments. Finally, he appealed to the Government not to let the time of the House be wasted, as sometimes it had been, up to Whitsuntide.

Earl Granville was grateful for the tone of Lord Cairns' observations; but he thought the criticism on the reference in the Speech to the intention of the Government to propose a Parliamentary Committee on elections uncalled for. Such a suggestion was by no means unprecedented. He was somewhat astonished, too, at Lord Cairns' apparent ignorance that the present arrangements about rating had caused any hardship. He should follow the noble lord in not anticipating the information which the House would very speedily have before it on the subject of the Government measure respecting the Irish Church. The preliminary resolutions would be moved in the other House on the 1st of March. The Address was then agreed to without a division.

In the House of Commons, previous to the moving of the Address, Mr. Gladstone gave notice that on the 1st of March he should move that the Acts relating to the Irish Church Establishment and to the Grant to Maynooth College, and also the Resolution of the House of Commons in 1868, be read, and that the House should then resolve itself into a Committee to consider of the said Acts and Resolutions.

The Address was moved by Mr. H. Cowper, who dwelt at some length on those paragraphs of the Speech which referred to the Convention with the United States, remarking that though it might be at present doubtful how it would be received in the United States, it was not so easy for the Americans-who, if there were any injury in the case, had been largely injured-to approach the subject with the same moderation as ourselves. Mr. Cowper expressed his gratification that the suspension of the Habeas Corpus

Act would be no longer necessary in Ireland; and at the pr of a Bill for the establishment of County Financial Boards, whic no slur on the magistracy, he held to be irresistible, on the price that representation and taxation go together. He approved proposed inquiry into the mode of conducting Parliament imunicipal elections, as the first result of which he anticipated tion of nominations, and he thought it could not fail to be dee the fate of the Ballot. On the Irish Church question, Mr. Cov that the Liberal party, having by Mr. Gladstone's teaching : its mind that the Establishment was a main obstacle to the ; and contentment of Ireland, had determined to do aw. They knew that there were difficulties; but he left those d with confidence in Mr. Gladstone's hands; and, looking fo amount of statesmanlike ability, practical knowledge, 1 and common sense contained within the House, there was that a settlement should be so hopeless and lengthy as n and some hoped. The action of the Liberal party on th had been received as a message of peace by the lar Ireland who regarded her connexion with England as

misfortune.

The Address was seconded by Mr. Mundella, the new member for Shetheld, who expressed approval of the ge of the Government.

Mr. Pistach commenced by remarking that the recent introducing controversial topics into the Address was fitting in the case of a new Government, which he power from the unmistakable desire of the country that Save an opportunity of endeavouring to settle the I 1question. And on this ground he deprecated a partial ani discussion of a matter which ought to be put before the complete form, and with all the knowledge and responsi from Ministerial exposition. He admitted that no Govern come before the House with stronger prima facie el si sideration on this question than the present, and han when the Ministerial statement was made it would be In sprit worthy of its importance. Passing to the paragı to foreign affairs, Mr. Disracii expressed his confidenes as our foreign bodey was conducted, not in selfish isol spirit of sympathy, Her Majesty's relations with f would always be friendly," and went on to find some the Government for not informing Parliament how the between Dickey and Greece had been brought about. I for resetting to a Comerence ought to have been explois miterposition might have been effected by ordin means; and one consequence of mentioning it woul titat papers would have been promised. The result, h met with general approbation, and he hoped it wond lesson to the systematic disturbers of that part of Ear for the future he Turkish Government would be left at 1

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res for amending the system of assessthe subjects glanced at in the Speech these was a Bill to provide for uniformity tropolis. The Union Assessment Act of dons, and there were in the metropolis though existing side by side with unions, its operation. The Bill accordingly proishes, which were twenty-two in number, sment committees, and to place them thus with the seventeen unions to which the Act Pill also sought to accomplish another object. te, the county-rate, and other rates in the on different principles, but this Bill would footing, and, if possible, establish one basis. taxation within its limits. The right hon.

in the Bill, entered into details of the profor the attainment of a common basis of lay down a maximum scale, leaving a discree amount. The Board would not have power tween unions, but a paid assessor would be

noved the introduction of a Bill for amending to rates assessed upon occupiers for short terms, ed the widespread dissatisfaction among the the abolition of the system of compounding, rument proposed that the rate-book should still register, and that the occupier should still con

that he should be allowed to deduct the full from the landlord. It was proposed that the quarterly instalments, and that no rate should rt, so that no tenant would be obliged to pay rent than that which it would be in his power landlord. It was also proposed that the Bill zal application, and not be confined, as the exist..ghs only.

which arose on the introduction of this Bill Mr. he case of Birmingham, where 5000 distress warI out, entailing great distress upon the people-by the conviction that it was wholly unnecessary. , of which the initiatory steps were taken before upon the engrossing subject of the Irish Church, letter repression of crime, which was produced to meet the urgent demands of the public for a tion of life and property, and a more vigorous h that dangerous class who make crime their rsuit, preferring to prey upon the industry of to exercise their own. In order to facilitate the was determined to introduce it first in the der the charge of Lord Kimberley, the Lord

Act would be no longer necessary in Ireland; and at the promise of a Bill for the establishment of County Financial Boards, which, with no slur on the magistracy, he held to be irresistible, on the principle that representation and taxation go together. He approved too the proposed inquiry into the mode of conducting Parliamentary and municipal elections, as the first result of which he anticipated the abolition of nominations, and he thought it could not fail to be decisive as to the fate of the Ballot. On the Irish Church question, Mr. Cowper said that the Liberal party, having by Mr. Gladstone's teaching made up its mind that the Establishment was a main obstacle to the prosperity and contentment of Ireland, had determined to do away with it. They knew that there were difficulties; but he left those difficulties. with confidence in Mr. Gladstone's hands; and, looking to the large amount of statesmanlike ability, practical knowledge, legal skill, and common sense contained within the House, there was no need that a settlement should be so hopeless and lengthy as many feared and some hoped. The action of the Liberal party on this subject had been received as a message of peace by the large class in Ireland who regarded her connexion with England as her greatest misfortune.

The Address was seconded by Mr. Mundella, the newly-elected member for Sheffield, who expressed approval of the general policy of the Government.

Mr. Disraeli commenced by remarking that the recent rule of not introducing controversial topics into the Address was peculiarly fitting in the case of a new Government, which had acceded to power from the unmistakable desire of the country that it should have an opportunity of endeavouring to settle the Irish Church question. And on this ground he deprecated a partial and desultory discussion of a matter which ought to be put before the House in a complete form, and with all the knowledge and responsibility arising from Ministerial exposition. He admitted that no Government could come before the House with stronger prima facie claims to consideration on this question than the present, and he hoped that when the Ministerial statement was made it would be received in a spirit worthy of its importance. Passing to the paragraphs relating to foreign affairs, Mr. Disraeli expressed his confidence that so long as our foreign policy was conducted, not in selfish isolation, but in a spirit of sympathy, Her Majesty's relations with foreign powers would always be "friendly," and went on to find some fault with the Government for not informing Parliament how the interposition between Turkey and Greece had been brought about. The reasons for resorting to a Conference ought to have been explained, for the interposition might have been effected by ordinary diplomatic means; and one consequence of mentioning it would have been that papers would have been promised. The result, however, had met with general approbation, and he hoped it would be a moral lesson to the systematic disturbers of that part of Europe, and that for the future the Turkish Government would be left at liberty to

develope the energies of the country. As to the convention with America, if the determination were left to the opinions of wise and moderate men it might be hoped that a complete understanding would be effected between the two countries; and he shared cordially in the satisfaction expressed at the possibility of withdrawing from the Irish Executive the extraordinary powers it had for some time possessed in the suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act. In the paragraph relating to the Estimates, Mr. Disraeli noticed with approval the recognition of the correct principle that they would be framed "with a due regard to efficiency," for mere curtailment of expenditure without reference to efficiency was most unwise, and led to no saving in the end. He asked next for some explanation of the paragraph recommending an inquiry into the mode of conducting Parliamentary and municipal elections, which he assumed to contemplate an inquiry by both Houses. To require mention in a royal Speech, Mr. Disraeli maintained it ought to be an inquiry by a royal Commission; for if a Parliamentary inquiry was intended, it was contrary to all precedent that it should find a place in the Speech from the Throne. He appealed to general experience whether the Election Petitions Act of last Session had not already furnished an important guarantee for the purity and freedom of election, and he urged that the Act should be allowed fair play, for the full effect of the searching inquiries under it could not be felt until the next general election. Lastly, Mr. Disraeli regretted that no mention was made in the Speech of a general measure of education, and expressed his surprise that the Government should seem to think it a subject which could be passed over and postponed sine die. He concluded with a confident anticipation that the new House, by the fair and business-like spirit in which it would discuss the measures laid before it, would justify the wisdom of recent legislation and merit the confidence of the country.

After some observations by Mr. White, who took notice of the omission from the Speech of any notice of the recent revolution in Spain, Mr. Gladstone addressed the House, and in reference to the topic touched upon by the last speaker, remarked that no permanent government had as yet resulted from the revolution in Spain, and that it would not be convenient to express satisfaction with a work which was not complete; at the same time, there was no doubt that the Government and the people of this country sympathized keenly with the recent movement in Spain. He acknowledged the fairness of Mr. Disraeli's speech. The recent Conference, designed to prevent an outbreak of war by purely moral means, was a sign of advancement in civilization on which he congratulated the House An absence of intrigue was all that was needed to carry this example further. He eulogized warmly the perfect single-mindedness and unselfishness displayed by all the Powers concerned. As to the paragraph on the American negotiations-though it might not be couched in tones of extreme confidence the Government had no doubt that the subject would be