"out of possession of it, but contracted intimate alliances with them “all; and, above all, with that which M. Zea justly describes as the strongest of de facto Governments—the Government of Bonaparte, "against whom, not any principle of respect for the rights of legi"timate monarchy, but his own ungovernable ambition, finally "brought combined Europe into the field?

"There is no use in endeavouring to give a specious colouring to "facts which are now the property of history.

"The undersigned is, therefore, compelled to add that Great "Britain herself cannot justly accept the praise which M. Zea is willing to ascribe to her in this respect; nor can she claim to be 66 altogether exempted from the general charge of having treated "with the Powers of the French Revolution.

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"It is true, indeed, that up to the year 1796 she abstained from treating with revolutionary France, long after other Powers of Europe had set her the example. But the reasons alleged in Par"liament, and in State Papers, for that abstinence, was the unsettled "state of the French Government. And it cannot be denied that, "both in 1796 and 1797, Great Britain opened a negotiation for peace with the Directory of France-a negotiation, the favourable "conclusion of which would have implied a recognition of that "form of Government; that in 1801, she made peace with the Con"sulate; that if, in 1806, she did not conclude a Treaty with Bonaparte, Emperor of France, the negotiation was broken off "merely on a question of terms; and that if, from 1808 to 1814, "she steadily refused to listen to any overtures from France, she "did so, declaredly and notoriously, on account of Spain alone, "whom Bonaparte pertinaciously refused to admit as party to the negotiation.

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Nay, further, it cannot be denied that, even in 1814, the year "in which the Bourbon Dynasty was eventually restored, peace "would have been made by Great Britain with Bonaparte, if he "had not been unreasonable in his demands; and Spain cannot be แ "ignorant that, even after Bonaparte was set aside, there was question among the allies of the possible expediency of placing 66 some other than a Bourbon on the throne of France.

"The appeal, therefore, to the conduct of the Powers of Europe, "and even to that of Great Britain herself, with respect to the "French Revolution, does but recall abundant instances of the "recognition of de facto Governments; by Great Britain, perhaps, "later and more reluctantly than by others, but by Great Britain "herself, however reluctant, after the example set to her by the "other Powers of Europe, and specifically by Spain.

"There are two other points in M. Zea's Note, which appear to "call for particular observation.

"M. Zea declares, that the King of Spain will never recognise "the new States of Spanish America, and that His Majesty will

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never cease to employ the force of arms against his rebellious subjects in that part of the world.

"We have neither the pretension nor the desire to control His "Catholic Majesty's conduct; but this declaration of M. Zea com"prises a complete justification of our conduct, in having taken the opportunity which, to us, seemed ripe for placing our relations "with the new States of America on a definite footing. For this "declaration plainly shows, that the complaint against us is not "merely as to the mode or the time of our advances towards those "States; it shows that the dispute between us and Spain is not "merely as to the question of fact, whether the internal condition of any of those States be such as to justify the entering into defi"nite relations with them; that it was not merely a reasonable "delay for the purpose of verifying contradictory reports, and of "affording opportunity for friendly negotiation, that was required "of us; it shows that no extent of forbearance on our part would "have satisfied Spain; and that, defer our advances towards the new States as long as we might, we should still have had to "make them without the consent of Spain; for that Spain is de"termined against all compromise, under any circumstances and "at any time, and is resolved upon interminable war with her late "Colonies in America.

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"M. Zea concludes with declaring, that His Catholic Majesty "will protest, in the most solemn manner, against the measures "announced by the British Government, as violating existing "Treaties, and the imprescriptible rights of the throne of Spain. "Against what will Spain protest?

"It has been proved that no Treaties are violated by us; and "we admit that no question of right is decided, by our recognition "of the new States of America.

"But, if the argument upon which this declaration is founded "be true, it is eternal; and the offence of which we are guilty, in "placing our intercourse with those countries under the protection "of Treaties, is one of which no time and no circumstances could, "in the view of Spain, have mitigated the character.

"Having thus entered, with great pain and unwillingness, into "the several topics of M. Zea's Note, the undersigned is directed, "in conclusion, to express the anxious hope of his Government, "that a discussion, now wholly without object, may be allowed "here to close. The undersigned is directed to declare to the Spanish Minister, that no feelings of ill-will, or even of indifference, "to the interests of His Catholic Majesty, has prompted the steps "which His Majesty's Government has taken, that His Majesty "still cherishes an anxious wish for the welfare of Spain, and "that His Majesty still retains the disposition, and commands the undersigned again to renew to His Catholic Majesty's Govern"ment the offer, to employ His Majesty's good offices, for the

"bringing about of any amicable arrangement which may yet be "practicable, between His Catholic Majesty and the countries of "America which have separated themselves from Spain.

"The undersigned, &c.,

"The Chevalier de Los Rios."

"GEORGE CANNING.

REPLY OF MR. SECRETARY CANNING TO A LETTER OF M. RADIOS RELATIVE 66

TO THE RUSSIAN MEMOIR ON THE PACIFICATION Of Greece" (g). Foreign Office, December 1st, 1824.

“ Sir,

"I HAVE to acknowledge the receipt of the letter which you did me "the honour to address to me on the 12th of August (but which "reached my hands only on the 4th of November), expressing the "opinion of the Greek Provisional Government upon a paper "which has been published in the Gazettes of Europe, purporting "to be a Plan of Pacification for Greece, drawn up by the Court "of St. Petersburg.

"That the publication of the paper in question is unauthorised "cannot be doubted. Whether the paper itself be authentic, it is "not for me to admit or to deny ; but it is due to the Court of St. Petersburg to declare to you, that any plan of pacification emanating from that Court would be drawn up (as the British "Government sincerely believe) in anything but an unfriendly "disposition towards Greece; that no such plan has been definitely "settled (as your letter appears to assume) with the intention of "imposing it either. upon Greece or upon the Turkish Government; "and that whatever plan the Emperor of Russia might have in contemplation would be submitted by His Imperial Majesty to "several of the Powers of Europe, His Imperial Majesty's allies, for "their consideration, before any proposition founded thereupon "would be made to the contending parties. The Emperor of "Russia had, it is true, suggested to his allies the expediency of "proposing, simultaneously to the Porte and to the Provisional "Government of Greece, a suspension of hostilities, for the purpose of allowing time for an amicable intervention between them. "Nor would the British Government have refused, at a proper time, "to be party to that proposal.

"It is but just to add that the paper which has attracted the indignation of the Greek Provisional Government has been viewed "with no less indignation by the Divan.

"While the Greeks profess an insurmountable abhorrence of any

(g) State Papers, vol. xii. 1824-5, p. 909 et seq.

"settlement short of the establishment of their independence as a "nation, the Divan abjure all modes of reconciliation short of an unqualified re-establishment of their sovereignty over Greece.

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"Between two parties so disposed there can, indeed, be little "hope of an acceptable and successful mediation. But, to have "felt and expressed a desire to mediate, before the extreme vehemence of these opposite resolutions was known, and while the varying fortune of the war appeared to furnish to both parties not "unreasonable motives for a compromise, surely cannot be imputed, "either to Russia, if she originated the project of such a compromise, or to those who might have been prepared to deliberate in concert with her upon it, as a crime.

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"The paper, purporting to be a Russian memoir, contains the "elements of a compromise, though not adjusted, perhaps, exactly "in the proportions in which they might finally have been arranged "for proposal to the belligerent parties.

"If the sovereignty of the Turks were not to be absolutely "restored, nor the independence of the Greeks to be absolutely acknowledged (to propose either of which extremes would have "been, not to mediate, but to take a decided part in the contest), "there was necessarily no other choice than to qualify, in some mode "and degree, the sovereignty of the one and the independence "of the other; and the mode and degree of that qualification seemed "to constitute the question for enquiry and deliberation.

"Either party, no doubt, had it in its power to defeat any plan "of compromise, however rational in its principles or impartial in "its provisions. And the previous knowledge that both parties "would concur in rejecting any plan of compromise that could be "devised renders any hope of successful intervention, at the present "moment, utterly vain.

"On the remainder of your letter, which, in effect, calls upon "the British Government to take part with the Greeks in the "struggle for their independence, comparing their merits and "claims with those of the Provinces of Spanish America, which "have separated themselves from the mother country, I have only "to observe, that, with respect to the contest between Spain and "the several countries of Spanish America, Great Britain has pro“fessed and maintained a strict neutrality; and that the like neu"trality has been observed by Great Britain in the contest now "raging in Greece. The belligerent rights of the Greeks have "been uniformly respected; and if the British Government has "found itself compelled, on a recent occasion, to repress the excess "to which certain of those rights were attempted to be carried, the "British Government is satisfied that such a necessity will not 66 occur again.

"The Provisional Government of Greece may rely upon the "continuance of the same scrupulous neutrality. They may be

"assured, not only that Great Britain would not be concerned in any attempt (if such attempt were in contemplation) to force upon "them a plan of pacification contrary to their wishes, but that, if 66 they should at any time hereafter think fit to solicit our mediation, we should be ready to tender it to the Porte, and, if accepted by the Porte, to do our best to carry it into effect, conjointly with other Powers, whose co-operation would at once give facility to any arrangement, and afford the best security for its "duration.

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"This appears to the British Government all that can reasonably "be asked of them. They cannot accuse themselves of having in any way, directly or indirectly, instigated the commencement of "the Greek enterprise, nor of having in any way interfered in its (6 progress.

"Connected with the Porte by the established relations of amity, "and by the ancient obligations of Treaties, which the Porte has "not violated, it surely cannot be expected that England should engage in unprovoked hostilities against that Power in a quarrel "not her own.

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"I trust, Sir, that the exposition which I have thus the honour to address to you will be considered as affording sufficient answer "to any suspicions or imputations which error or intrigue may "have propagated against the intentions of the British Government "towards Greece, and will be accepted as a proof at once of the purity of our views, and of the frankness with which we are ready "to declare them.

"I am, &c.,

"The Secretary of the Provisional

Government of Greece."

"GEORGE CANNING.

PROTOCOLE DE LA CONFÉRENCE TENUE AU FOREIGN OFFICE, LE 19 FÉVRIER 1831 (h).

"PRÉSENS:-Les Plénipotentiaires d'Autriche, de France, de la "Grande-Bretagne, de Prusse, et de Russie.

"Les Plénipotentiaires des Cours d'Autriche, de France, de la "Grande-Bretagne, de Prusse, et de Russie, s'étant assemblés, ont "porté toute leur attention sur les interprétations diverses données 66 au Protocole de la Conférence de Londres, en date du 20 Dé"cembre 1830, et aux principaux Actes dont il a été suivi. Les "délibérations des Plénipotentiaires les ont conduits à reconnaître

(h) Protocols of Conferences in London relative to Belgium, 1830–1 part i, No. 19, pp. 59-65.