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fortune of a great number of her citizens whose property is in France, a greater influence on her conduct. She refused every sort of passage through her territory, and thus saved Piedmont and Lombardy, which then presented no obstacle to the invasion of the French. This firm, loyal, and generous conduct by the serene republick of Genoa, merited the most formal approbation of the court of Vienna, and the open acknowledgments of that of Turin. These two courts then gave the most positive assurances that they would always respect her neutrality.

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If the serene republick has religiously observed her neutrality, at a time when she had every thing to fear from France; if she then avoided giving the least reason for discontent to the allied powers; it cannot be presumed that she would wish to provoke their resentment, since these same powers reign predominant in the Mediterranean, and since the progress of the French is no longer to be feared. sides, the transactions alleged to justify the violation of the territory of the republick are destitute of foundation, or cannot be imputed to her government. A rapid discussion of these transactions, such as they have been presented by the minister plenipotentiary of his Britannick majesty, Mr. Drake, and by rear admiral Gell, suffice to prove that they have been led into an errour by unfaithful reports. 1st. The most serious of these transactions is the seizure of a French tartane,* who it is said "did not acknowledge the pretended national convention of France, and was under the immediate protection of his Britannick majesty." The most authentick documents prove that this tartane had sailed from Marseilles, had entered the port of Genoa with a tri-coloured flag; that the captain obtained regular licenses ; that having been ordered on board of the frigate Modesty, he readily went; and therefore acknowledged the rightful jurisdiction of vessels of war over those of merchants of the same nation. It is in like manner proved, that there were found on board the tartane no other papers than letters for Travega and Navina, merchants of Genoa; that the crew remained at liberty, and that the captain was not mas sacred. The minister plenipotentiary, Drake, in one of the conferences which he had with deputies appointed by the serene government, pretended that the tartane could no longer be considered as French, because at the time she sailed from Marseilles that city was under the dependence of England. It was observed to the minister plenipotentiary,

* A small vessel used in the Mediterranean.

that these facts were not and could not be known at Genoa, and that the conduct of the tartane must necessarily lead to her being considered as belonging to France.

2d. The serene government is reproached for having permitted the British flag to be insulted by suffering two French frigates to take measures for following an English frigate, called the Eagle, captain Inglefield, who was preparing to sail. This charge is destitute of foundation. The serene government, jealous of causing her edict of neutrality to be observed, exacted from the French captains their word of honour, that during the space of 24 hours, they would not disturb any of the vessels which sailed out, or which should be in sight of the port. The English consul was informed of this precaution taken by the serene government. It ob served the same vigilance with regard to a Sardinian frigate which had anchored in the port of Genoa.

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3d. Nor is it with more foundation, that the same thing is alleged against the serene government on the subject of the Rose cutter. She was, it is said, immediately followed, on going out of the port, by two French gun-boats, which obliged her to return. Having gone out again, three days after, she perceived the same boats, which had hidden behind a cape vicinity, where they watched for the favourable moment of at tack. The serene government, in conformity to its edict of neutrality, had required of the captains of the gun-boats, previous to their departure, their word of honour without restriction, and that word had always been observed with the greatest exactness. These vessels anchored at Portofind, where health guards were given them. The government could not deprive them of the asylum of the port, because Portofind is a short distance from Genoa, and behind a cape.

4th. As to the reiterated outrages of which the crew of the Modesty have been guilty, it is said, to the individuals belonging to the marine of his Britannick majesty, as well as to seve ral others. These outrages have never been proved, nor have they been the subject of any claim. In the assault which took place on the 10th August, between the British subjects and some Frenchmen, the former were defended and protect ed by the soldiers of the republick, although they had evidently been the aggressors. So far from having suffered individuals of the English marine to be insulted, the serene government procured to them all the facility, all the succour that could be expected from a friendly nation. A considerable number of them have been received in the publick hos pitals, and have there been treated with that attention which has merited the expression of their gratitude to the people

of Genoa.

These facts, related with exactness, can neither warrant nor excuse the most manifest violation of the sovereignty of a state, whose neutrality has been so beneficial to the allied powers.

It is impossible to regard as reprisals as just as indispensable, the invasion of the port of Genoa by a squadron of his Britannick majesty's ships of war, the hostilities which sullied this port with blood, at the moment of its entering the seizure of the French vessels, and the prompt carrying of them off; the illegal visitation of the other vessels in the port of Genoa; the seizure of the Imperious in the gulf of Spezia, under the cannon of fort St. Mary; the carrying off several effects belonging to that frigate deposited in the stores, the keys of which were in the hands of commissioners of the republick.

The serene government convinced that justice presides in the councils of his Britannick majesty, hopes to obtain a reparation for the acts of violence which have so grievously affected her. The minister plenipotentiary, Drake, has acknowledged the legality of these claims, and proposed to declare, that neither he, admiral Hood, nor rear admiral Gell had had any intention of eommitting the least insult on the republick, but that they had only punished the guilty. Contenting itself with such a declaration, would be to acknowledge the complaints alleged against the republick, the nullity of which have been proved.

The serene government solicits a reparation proportioned to the object of its complaints; which it claims with so much the more confidence, as it has been jealous of meriting the good will of his Britannick majesty,

MESSAGE

from the president of tHE UNITED States to conGRESS RELATIVE TO FOREIGN INTERCOurse. FEB. 28, 1795.

In my first communication to Congress during their preIN sent session I gave them reason to expect that " certain cir cumstances of our intercourse with foreign nations" would be transmitted to them. There was at that time every assurance for believing that some of the most important of our foreign affairs would have been concluded, and others considerably matured, before they should rise. But notwithstanding I have waited until this moment, it has so happen.

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ed that, either from causes unknown to me, or from events which could not be controlled, I am yet unable to execute my original intention. That I may, however, fulfil the ex pectation given as far as the actual situation of things will in my judgment permit, I now in confidence lay before Congress the following general statement.

Our minister near the French Republick has urged compensation for the injuries which our commerce has sustained from captures by French cruisers, from the non-fulfillment of the contracts of the agents of that Republick with our citi zens, and from the embargo at Bourdeaux. He has also pressed an allowance for the money voted by Congress for relieving the inhabitants of Saint Domingo. It affords me the highest pleasure to inform Congress that perfect harmony reigns between the two republicks; and that those claims are in a train of being discussed with candour, and of being amicably adjusted.

So much of our relation to Great Britain may depend upon the result of our late negotiations in London, that until that result shall arrive, I cannot undertake to make any communication upon this subject.

After the negotiation with Spain had been long depending, unusual and unexpected embarrassments were raised to interrupt its progress. But the commissioner of his catholick majesty near the United States having declared to the Secre tary of State; that if a particular accommodation should be made in the conducting of the business, no further delay would ensue, I thought proper under all circumstances, to send to his catholick majesty an envoy extraordinary speci ally charged to bring to a conclusion the discussions which have been formerly announced to Congress.

The friendship of her most faithful majesty has been often manifested in checking the passage of the Algerine corsairs into the Atlantick ocean. She has also furnished occasional convoys to the vessels of the United States, even when bound to other ports than her own. We may therefore promise our selves that as in the ordinary course of things few causes can exist for dissatisfaction between the United States and Portugal, so the temper with which accidental difficulties will be met on each side will speedily remove them.

Between the Executive of the United States and the government of the United Netherlands but little intercourse has taken place during the last year. It may be acceptable to Congress to learn that our credit in Holland is represented as standing upon the most respectable footing.

Upon the death of the late emperor of Morocco, an agent

was despatched to renew with his successor the treaty which the United States had made with him. The agent unfortunately died after he had reached Europe in the prosecution of his mission. But until lately it was impossible to determine, with any degree of probability, who of the competitors for that empire would be ultimately fixed in the supreme power. Although the measures which have been since adopted for the renewal of the treaty have been obstructed by the disturbed situation of Amsterdam, there are good grounds for presuming, as yet, upon the pacifick disposition of the emperor in fact towards the United States, and that the past miscarriage will be shortly remedied.

Congress are already acquainted with the failure of the loan attempted in Holland for the relief of our unhappy fellow citizens in Algiers. This subject, than which none deserves a more affectionate zeal, has constantly commanded my best exertions. I am happy, therefore, in being able to say that, from the last authentick accounts, the dey was disposed to treat for a peace and ransom, and that both would in all probability have been accomplished had we not been. disappointed in the means. Nothing which depends upon the Executive shall be left undone for carrying into immediate effect the supplementary act of Congress."

GEO: WASHINGTON.

MESSAGE

FROM THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES TO THE SENATE

RELATIVE TO A TREATY WITH MOROCCO. DEC. 21, 1795. HEREWITH I transmit for your information and consideration the original letter from the emperor of Morocco, recognizing the treaty of peace and friendship between the United States and his father the late emperor, accompanied with a translation thereof, and various documents relating to the negotiation by which the recognition was effected.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

Extract from Instructions from the Secretary of State to Colonel David Humphreys. March 28, 1795.

"WITH respect to Morocco, it is proposed to obtain from the prince Muley Soliman a recognition of the treaty between the United States and his father, the former emperor.

This

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