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damages had been lodged against the government by foreigners as a result of the revolutions. The railroads which the government had taken over required vast sums for improvements. To carry out an educational program in any way adequate to meet the country's needs, and to make effective the plans of social betterment which constituted one of the strongest planks in the platform of President Obregón, required even larger sums. The army also had to be maintained (though Obregón succeeded materially for a time. in reducing this expense), and millions of pesos had to be found annually for salaries.

These various demands the Mexican treasury did not meet. Up to about the middle of 1923 there was an apparent improvement in the government's financial situation; but in September, after the resignation of Adolfo De la Huerta from the Treasury, it was found that conditions were almost demoralized. During the next few months the government suspended payment on its drafts, allowed salaries to remain unpaid, and dismissed hundreds of employees.

Just what the current obligations of Mexico are today, in addition to the staggering national debt under which she rests and the claims for damages she has assumed, cannot definitely be stated. Even before the De la Huerta revolution was well under way, however, this floating debt was placed at about 75,000,000 pesos.

Closely interwoven with the government's financial difficulties and the questions arising from the petroleum and land provisions. of the Constitution of 1917 was the matter of recognition by outside powers. Though several European and Latin-American governments accorded this recognition early in Obregón's administration, the two outside nations whose interests in Mexico were more important than those of any other governments refused to follow their jexample. Both the United States and England, despite the very earnest desire of Obregón to secure formal recognition, refused to grant this until they were given definite assurance that Mexico proposed to meet her just obligations and conform to the principles of international law. The two chief points at issue were the agrarian and petroleum provisions of the Constitution of 1917. The United States, as we shall presently see, finally adjusted these matters and recognized Obregón in the late summer of 1923; but England has not yet granted recognition.

In addition to the matters already spoken of, three events of outstanding significance have occurred in Mexico since 1921. The first of these was the signing of an agreement (June 16, 1922), between Adolfo De la Huerta, at that time Secretary of the Treasury, and Thomas Lamont of New York, representing the International Committee of Bankers on Mexico, by which Mexico was able to bring some sort of order out of the confusion of her national debt and satisfy her creditors without placing too heavy a strain

upon her treasury. The text of this agreement will be found in Section VI of this volume.

The second event of primary importance was the drafting and ratification of two Claims Conventions between Mexico and the United States. The representatives for Mexico in the negotiations were Ramón Ross and Fernando Gonzales Roa; for the United States they were Charles Beecher Warren, now Ambassador to Mexico, and John Barton Payne. The Claims Conference began its sessions on May 14, 1923, at Mexico City and adjourned its sittings on August 15. On the 31st of the same month, the United States formally recognized the Obregón government, thus resuming full diplomatic relations with Mexico after an interval of over three years.

The work of the conference resulted in two agreements, a General Claims Convention and a Special Claims Convention. The text of these two documents is published in Section II of the Year Book. The ratification of the Conventions by the two governments provided the necessary machinery for settling the aggravating and unfortunate sources of discord between this country and Mexico. Up to the present time, however, neither government has appointed its representatives on the joint commission, though this must soon be done to conform to the terms of the agreement.

The final event of chief significance in Mexican history from 1921 to 1924, was the disastrous attempt to overthrow the Obregón government by a party of discontented army leaders and politicians at whose head, nominally at least, stood Adolfo De la Huerta, former Secretary of the Treasury, provisional President from the downfall of Carranza to Obregón's inauguration, and for three years, together with Obregón and General Plutarco Elias Calles, a member of the famous Sonora triumvirate which controlled the politics and government of Mexico.

The revolt began in December, 1923, some three months after De la Huerta had resigned his position as Secretary of the Treasury and announced his candidacy for the presidency to succeed. Obregón. The principal leaders of the movement besides De la Huerta were Jorge Prieto Laurens of San Luis Potosí, and Generals Guadalupe Sanchez, Fortunato Maycotte, and Enrique Estrada. The rebel forces were particularly strong in Vera Cruz, Jalisco, Hidalgo, Puebla, in the Yucatán Peninsula, and throughout the Isthmus. To the north, also, various companies of bandit-revolutionists caused the Obregón forces much annoyance by attacking trains and interrupting railway communications.

The revolt was finally suppressed, after the loss of many lives, the expenditure of much money, and the total disruption of the nation's business, in March of this year. That the Obregón government survived the uprising at all was due in large part to the timely and effective aid of the United States, and to the moral sup

port of the Coolidge Administration. In a practical way the latter aided Obregón by the sale of arms and ammunition to the Mexican government forces; by placing an embargo upon the shipment of arms and munitions to the revolutionists; and by permitting the Mexican federal troops to be moved across American territory in order to reach the scene of military operations.

The revolution was brought about, according to its adherents, by Obregón's interference in the politics of the various states, and by his efforts to establish General Calles in the presidency as his successor. There was also some attempt to make it appear a movement to protect established property rights against confiscatory and radical legislation. Unfortunately for De la Huerta and his associates, however, the rebellion seemed to be actuated more by personal ambition than by disinterested patriotism, so that it could neither win respect abroad nor take on the proportions of a great popular crusade at home.

The collapse of the De la Huerta uprising has left Mexico face to face with difficulties of the first magnitude. The presidential election occurs July 6, and in this, of course, lies much potential danger. The country's economic situation is probably worse than it has been at any time since Obregón became president. The government's financial plight, moreover, is little short of desperate, and unless the Treasury can obtain a loan from American bankers within the near future to relieve the situation, the present administration will hand down to its successor a perilous and tangled legacy.

This much, however, should be said: Whenever Mexico is assured of long continued peace and order in her politics, she will experience an economic and social transformation of the greatest magnitude. She will demand capital and goods and outside aid of many kinds. Probably never before has she so looked to the United States to supply these things or felt more kindly toward this country. If our government and people can aid Mexico in this quest for a stable government and in the solution of the difficult social and economic problems she now faces, we will not only add materially to our own national prosperity and establish ourselves more firmly than ever before in Mexico's economic life, but we will also serve the great cause of humanity and make ourselves a blessing to a nation at present badly disorganized and sadly distressed.

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Conde de la Coruña...

6. D. Pedro Moya de Contreras.

7. Marqués de Villa Manrique..



D. Luis de Velasco, the Younger.
Conde de Monterey..

10. Marqués de Montes Claros.

11. D. Luis de Velasco, the Younger (second term).

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1580 to 1583

.1584 to 1585

.1585 to 1590

.1590 to 1595

1595 to 1603

.1603 to 1607 1607 to 1611

1611 to 1612 1612 to 1621

.1621 to 1624

1624 to 1635

1635 to 1640

.1640 to 1642


.1642 to 1648

.1648 to 1649

1650 to 1653

1653 to 1660


22. Duque de Alburquerque. Marqués de Leiva....

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.1660 to 1664


.1664 to 1673


.1673 to 1680

.1680 to 1686

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Conde de Monelova...

30. Conde de Galve...

31. Juan Ortega y Montañez..

Juan Ortega y Montañez (second term).

34. Duque de Alburquerque (second term).

35. Duque de Linares...

36. Marqués de Valero..

Marqués de Casa Fuerte..

D. J. Antonio de Vizarrón.
Duque de la Conquista.

40. Conde de Fuenclara..

41. Conde Revillagigedo, the Elder.
Marqués de las Amarillas.
D. Francisco Cagigal...

44. Marqués de Cruillas..
Marqués de Croix...


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.1686 to 1688

.1688 to 1696


.1696 to 1701

.1701 to 1702

.1702 to 1711

.1711 to 1716

.1716 to 1722

.1722 to 1734

.1734 to 1740

.1740 to 1741

.1742 to 1746

.1746 to 1755

.1755 to 1760


.1760 to 1766

.1766 to 1771

.1771 to 1779

.1779 to 1783

.1783 to 1784

.1785 to 1786

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First Regency....



September 28, 1821, to April 11, 1822.

Second Regency. April 11, 1822, to May 18, 1822.

Augustine I.,






Proclaimed May 18, 1822; took oath May 21; crowned
July 21, 1822; abdicated March 19, 1823.

The Marqués of Vivanco, political chief of Mexico, took charge on the abdication of Iturbide. On March 31, 1823, Congress elected a Supreme Executive Council of three, which entered upon its duties on April 2, 1823.


...General Guadalupe Victoria, October 10, 1824, to April 1, 1829.

General Vicente Guerrero, April 1, 1829, to December 17, 1829.

Acting President....Licentiate José Maria de Bocanegra, December 17, 1829, to December 23, 1829.

Supreme Executive



. December 23, 1829, to December 31, 1829.

General Anastasio Bustamante, December 31, 1829, to
August 14, 1832.

Acting President....General Melchor Muzquez, August 14, 1832, to Decem








ber 24, 1832.

. General Manuel Gómez Pedraza, December 24, 1832, to April 1, 1833.

...General Antonio López de Santa Anna, April 1, 1833,
to January 28, 1835.

General Miguel Barragan, from January 28, 1835, to
February 27, 1836.

Licentiate José Justo Carro, February 27, 1836, to
April 19, 1837.


General Anastasio Bustamante, April 19, 1837, to
March 18, 1839.

On the latter date Bustamante was replaced by Santa
Anna. From July 10 to July 17, 1839, General
Nicolás Bravo acted as President. Bustamante was
in charge from July 17, 1839, to September 22, 1841,
when Don Javier Echeverria was installed as Act-
ing President.


.General Antonio López de Santa Anna, October 10, 1841, to October 26, 1842.

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