monly apply to factories and workshops, not always to domestic labor, even that of sweat-shops, and not to simple domestic labor or agricultural labor at all. In fact, it may be noted here that agricultural labor is very generally unprotected by law in any respect whatever, just as its output is not protected by the tariff.

Special Occupations.

There are a few statutes in this country specially regulating hours of labor in certain occupations, such as railroads, street railways, and stationary engines; but these are perhaps imposed as much for the protection of the public as for that of the laborer, and the hours are usually long, being commonly twelve hours a day upon railroads, and limiting the length of continuous runs at an even greater period of time, provided a night's rest is given between. For the safety of others, special restrictions are also imposed on the employment of children in certain employments, such as running elevators, or cleaning machinery, and children are very generally prohibited, in the interests of their own morals, from being employed in dramatic exhibitions, etc., under a certain age.

Legislation for Women.

Of special labor legislation for the protection of women, other than that concerning hours of labor,

there is as yet very little. There is an almost universal statute that women in mills, offices, and shops shall be provided with seats. In California and Louisiana the employment of women was forbidden in houses where liquor was sold at retail; but the California court, following the modern view of women citizenship, declared this law unconstitutional. Illinois, California, and Washington have adopted statutes, and the same thing is in the California constitution, that no person shall be precluded or debarred from any occupation, profession, or employment, except military, on account of sex ; but the Illinois statute adds that this shall not be construed as requiring any female to work on streets or to serve on juries. These statutes, however, merely enunciate the general law. So far as I know, there is no restriction upon women in any State of the Union going into any employment or avocation whatever, unless the employment be in the nature of a political office, such as justice of the peace or member of the bar; and in many States the bar has already been thrown open to them. Upon this subject there is much cry and little wool.

How far this universal employment of women in factories and workshops away from their homes is an unmixed good, may seriously be questioned. It is probably quite too late to alter it in the case of factories, at least until our economic condition

becomes so much improved as to make it unnecessary; but in England there is a strong feeling against it, as it tends to lower the wages of the men and make it necessary for all women to .work. It is easy to see that in the case of mar

ried women, for instance, if none of them worked, none of them would have to; but the moment one goes to the factory, the other wives have to do the same if their social condition is to remain equal to that of their neighbors. In the case of unmarried women, their competition is both more necessary for some and less necessary for others. Undoubtedly, unmarried women having no other means of support should be allowed perfect liberty of labor at any industry. But there is a large class of unmarried women, like the daughters of operatives, who have homes of their own, and simply work for the sake of spending-money. It is this class whose competition may be most dreaded by others. Women, too, have hitherto manifested much less ability in defending their rights, and much less tendency to join hands with tradeunions. In Connecticut, last year, a bill was actually introduced forbidding married women to work in factories, and the English reports are full of arguments against it, drawn from the inferior condition of homes presided over by such women, and the failing health of children. It can hardly be that such a law as the Connecticut bill would

be wise, as it would obviously put a premium on immorality by enabling a man and his mistress to earn double as much as a man and his wife. But the whole question of the effect upon the social order of the unification of the functions of men and women, economically, has not yet been seriously considered, much less proved.

Times of Payment.

As to the times of payment, many of our States have adopted laws requiring laborers to be paid weekly or fortnightly, though this statute is much more general in the case of corporations, for the reason that it is of doubtful constitutionality as applied to private employers. Indeed, the Supreme Courts of Missouri and Arkansas have expressly so declared. The Supreme Court of Massachusetts, on the other hand, has just instructed the Legislature that such a law would not be unconstitutional in that State, even although applied to private individuals.

Truck Acts.

In a still greater number of States there is a law that labor can only be paid for in lawful money, or at least in checks or orders redeemable in lawful money, and not in truck or in orders upon companies' stores, etc.; and in some States it is made illegal for employers of labor to keep

stores for the purpose of supplying their employees, or at least to sell them goods at higher rates than to the general public, or to require them to trade at such stores. This Truck Act also finds its precedent in an English statute.

Industrial Labor Specially Privileged.

It will already have been noticed that industrial laborers as a class are specially protected by our law, for there is no statute limiting the time during which a farm-hand or servant is required to work, and few concerning mercantile employees and shop-girls. We must look fairly at what has been done, and must recognize that there is even danger, from the tendency to which I adverted at the beginning, that industrial laborers should come in this country to regard themselves as a class specially privileged.

Labor Debts Preferred.

And we now come to a body of statutes where this is even more evident. Debts for labor services are specially recognized and protected in all the States of the Union. Laborers commonly have a preferred claim upon the assets of an insolvent corporation, or even of an insolvent individual, or the insolvent estate of a person deceased. By the statutes of some States the stockholders of corporations are individually liable for