sir, if Representatives cannot come here and exercise their own independent opinions, without being awed and menaced into submission by those who may happen to differ, the Government is not worth preserving; its republican character is gone.

Mr Wayne then rose to make some remarks, when the Speaker interrupted him by stating that the Clerk had informed him that the bill had received its second reading, by its title, which fact the Chair had overlooked, and the question being now simply on the commitment, it precluded a discussion of the merits of the bill. Mr Wayne bowed to the decision of the Chair; and after some under conversation between other members.

Mr Gorham, for the purpose of opening the bill to discussion, moved its indefinite postponement. Mr Cambreleng regretted that he had not on this occasion the powerful aid of the gentleman from Massachusetts- he remembered nine years ago, when the House was electrified by that gentleman for near three hours; and he must say, that he heard on that day, what he thought then, and still thought the most able, eloquent, and convincing argument he ever listened to, in favor of the broad principles of free trade. He hoped that the gentleman from Massachusetts would vary his motion so as to postpone the question till the first Monday in January next; when he was not without hope, that the gentleman from Massachusetts might change his opinions, again become an advocate of free trade; at all events

give the friends of this measure a fair opportunity to defend its merits.

Mr Gorham said, the gentleman from New York must think him very sincere, if, after the extravagant but altogether uninerited compliments of the gentleman, he still persisted in his opposition to this bill, as a measure of the most extraordinary character ever proposed in this House. Sir, said Mr G. this bill contains provisions which, in their operation, will derange our whole revenue system, and change all our commercial relations at home and abroad, introducing at the same time an endless series of frauds and perjuries. It transfers, too, to the President, almost the whole control over the commerce and revenue of the country. If practicable, which I doubt, it will introduce a principle into commercial policy, mischievous in the highest degree.

In the first place, it reduces at once all duties to 30 per cent ad valorem, and to the extent of that reduction is a repeal of the Tariff laws; not indeed, as it may suit the interest and convenience of our own Government, or our own citizens, but when the will or interest of any foreign nation may require it. The mere reduction of duties I do not regard as the worst aspects of this part of the bill. It is that foreign nations are to judge for us, and not we for ourselves; that all specific duties are, with regard to some nations, to be charged in ad valorem duties, and reduced, while, with regard to others, they are to remain specific, and at their old rate; and

that the duties on articles of the same kind from different countries, are not only of different rates, but differently estimated. And then, too, what numberless frauds will be practised in fixing this 30 per cent ad valorem, by appraisements without end, not only in our own ports, but in those of the nations which may come into this strange and novel scheme of reciprocity?

Mr Speaker, time does not permit me now to say anything upon the extraordinary_principle of transferring to the Executive Department, as this bill would substantially do, almost the whole control over our foreign and domestic commercial relations. Nor can I now enumerate one half the mischiefs of a different character, which would result from the adoption of this most pernicious project. A single instance will serve to illustrate its effects in a hundred other cases; and I will ask the attention of the House to only one branch of commerce-the sugar trade. The sugar of Louisiana is now protected by a duty of three cents per pound upon the imported article, which is more than a duty of 50 per cent ad valorem. The prosperity of that State depends in a great measure upon sugar planting. Now, we bring sugar from Cuba and others of the West India islands, from South America, particularly from Brazil, and from the East Indies, places wholly independent of each other. Should this bill pass into a law, some one of these countries, Brazil probably, (and I believe Brazil alone,) would accept our offer of reciprocating du

ties; and what would be the consequence? the sugar of Brazil, which costs but four or five cents per pound, would come here charged only with a duty of 30 per cent ad valorem, equal to a duty varying from a cent to a cent and a half less than half the present duty. There can be no doubt, then, that in a very short time the importer of that article would drive the Louisiana planter from his own market. The ruinous effects to that State are obvious; her prosperity is destroyed at a blow. Nor is this all: Brazil will probably agree to this scheme; but Cuba and Port Rico, being dependencies of Spain, could not. The places in the East Indies from which we bring sugar, from the peculiarity of their political condition, could not or would not, adopt it. And thus, the high duty of three cents on sugar, from those places, is virtually a prohibition of trading with them; and our trade at present with Cuba, as every one knows, and particularly in sugar, is one of the most flourishing and important branches of our commerce. Frauds, too, of a different character from those I have mentioned would be resorted to; England and France would not, indeed, cannot reciprocate this rule. But they would be very desirous that we should adopt it with other nations; because, they could, through those nations, derive every advantage from it, without yielding us any equivalent in return. There is little doubt, that Hamburg, Bremen, and all the Hanseatic towns, Sweden and Denmark, and perhaps Hollandsome if not all these, would

agree with us. The course of things would then be, that British and French goods would be shipped to those places, and either there, or at home, so marked and packed, that they might be imported into the United States as Dutch, Swedish, or Danish goods, at the reduced duty. And thus, France and England, holding firmly to their restrictive system towards us, would enjoy through other nations, all the advantages of a total relaxation of our system towards them.

The measure, if adopted, is a radical change in our revenue system, and all our commercial relations, and cannot but be followed by the most pernicious consequences. The bill is strangely entitled, a bill to amend the navigation laws of the United States,' yet makes no reference to any one of those laws, and contains not one word about either ships, vessels, or navigation. It should be entitled' a bill to encourage frauds and perjuries, disturb the revenue, and embarrass and restrict the commerce of the United States.' Mr G. concluded by saying, that he had been surprised into this debate; and he threw out those few remarks, the suggestions of the moment, to show the impolicy and ruinous tendency of the

measure.

Mr Wayne said he had two things to complain of, one of them in common with the gentleman from Massachusetts-first, he had been surprised into the dehate, and then he had been surprised out of it.

[Here the hour expired, and the debate was arrested for the day.]

The debate thus commenced was continued daily during the hour allotted to the consideration of resolutions and reports, until the 4th of May, when Mr Cambreleng moved to postpone the further consideration of the bill till the first Monday in January next.

This motion precludes debate on the merits of the bill.

Mr Bates, who had desired to enter into the discussion, requested that the motion would be withdrawn, but the request was not complied with. Mr Reed gave some reasons why the further consideration should not be postponed.

Mr Storrs, of New York, said, that with a view to place the bill where it should not be heard of again, he moved to lay it on the table.

On the call of Mr Cambreleng, the yeas and nays were ordered on the question.

The question was then put and decided in the affirmative, yeas 130, nays 38.

So the bill was laid on the table.

In addition to the discussions growing out of these proposed bills, extraordinary efforts were made to render the tariff policy unpopular by highly colored statements of its injurious effects upon the prosperity of the country.

The navigation of the United States was asserted to be in a depressed and declining condition; while that of Great Britain was declared to be highly flourishing, and to be supplanting our vessels in various branches of trade for

merely monopolized by them results which were attributed solely to the ruinous effects of the tariff. These fables were gravely published to the world in a report of the Committee of Commerce to the House, and being circulated with unremitting industry, gave a momentary alam to the public mind, and great cause of exultation to the Edinburgh and Quarterly Reviews. Unfortunately, however, for the predictions and inferences of these theorists, commerce was prosecuted with redoubled activity. The returns of the tonnage engaged in foreign trade showed an increase in 1828 of 65,449 tons: while the increase of the tonnage employed in the coasting trade in 1828 was 55,335 tons. This increase, which was not, however, to be attributed to the tariff, entirely disproved the predictions of the alarmists; and the fresh impulse given to trade, which had been gradually accommodating itself to the changes in commerce occasioned by the general peace in Europe, dissipated the apprehension of the mercantile class and reconciled them to the modification of the revenue system.

While commerce evinced such striking evidence of its advancing prosperity, the agricultural and manufacturing interests gave equally strong proofs of their being favored in even a higher degree. In the distant West the wilderness was rapidly retiring and giving place to the farms of

the frontier settlers; while in the older sections of the country, greater attention was paid to cultivating the soil; new processes of agricultural and more convenient farming implements were introduced; the breeds of domestic animals were improved, and every indication afforded of the substantial and healthful prosperity of a class so indispensable to the existence of the community. Still greater activity was evinced by the manufacturing interest. The water power, both on the small and greater rivers began to be in demand; and while large towns, like Lowell on the Merrimac, were suddenly created by the wealth of capitalists diverted into the manufacturing business, single factories of a size proportioned to the power of the fall on the smaller streams, gave employment to the neighborhood, and furnished a domestic market to the farmers in different portions of the country.

The increasing wealth of the community was also exhibited in public improvements of a permanent character, to facilitate internal communication and the transportation of produce to market. Canals and rail roads were commenced to connect the most prominent points and places, and more was effected in this species of internial improvement in the United States within the last five years, than all that had been previously done since their existence as an independent nation.