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joyment of all political rights. This concession, conforming as it does, for the most part, to the existing laws of the country which regulate civil rights, is alone sufficient to convince us that the Greek religion is to be the prevailing one of the State.

But how great would be the national joy, if the religion to which the Greeks owe their political existence, what knowledge they possess, and the language of their ancestors, were to unite them by holy ties to his Royal Highness! How great would be their enthusiasm, if they were to see him who is to be the father of their country, offer up to the Eternal Father in their temples the same worship.

Napoli, the 10th of April, 1830.
(Signed)

The President, GEORGE SISINI.
The Secy, PANAJOTI SOUTZOS.

A true copy.
Napoli, (12th) 24th of April, 1830.

The Secretary for Foreign Affairs and the Commercial Navy. (Signed)

J. Rizo.

Resignation of Prince Leopold.

London, May 21, 1830.

The undersigned, after the most mature consideration, is unable to withdraw the opinion which he communicated to the Plenipotentiaries, in his note of the 15th. He cannot admit that the answer of the President of Greece to the Residents contains a full and entire adhesion to the Protocol. In his judgment, it announces a forced submission to the will of the Allied Powers, and even that forced submission is accompanied

by reservations of the highest importance.

The President distinctly inforins the Residents that the Provisional Government, according to the decrees of the Council of Argos, has no power to convey the assent of the Greek nation. That it is well known to the Residents, (who were present) that the decree in question declares, that no arrangements entered into by the Provisional Government with the Allied Powers, shall be binding upon the Greek nation till they are acknowledged and confirmed by its Representatives. That if the Representatives were called together, they would disobey the instructions of their constituents if they agreed to the propositions of the Allied Powers. But the last part of the President's note bears still more strongly on the views of the case, which the undersigned is compelled to entertain; for the President says, that with regard to the substance of the arrangement, the Government reserves to itself the power of submitting to the Prince, with the copy of the Note, such observations as they cannot conceal from him, without betraying their trust towards Greece and the Prince.

Here the undersigned feels it right to correct a mistake which might arise from the wording of the President's letter of the 6th of April.

The undersigned never gave the President reason to believe that he was likely to adopt the Greek religion. Thus are officially connected with the answer of the Provisional Government to

the Residents, those observations and details of facts which the undersigned forwarded to the Plenipotentiaries on the 15th. They are most important, as announcing the opinions entertained by the Greek Senate as to the provisions of the Protocol, and their spirit and tendency is not for a moment to be mistaken or their consequences disregarded. The President expressly states, that the communication of the Protocol was received by the Senate in mournful silence—that after deliberate consultation, the Senate declared to him that they had not the power to accept the Act of the 3d of February; and that, even if they had received that power from the nation, they could not have exercised it without failing in their duty towards their brethren. That they will never consent to the President's being charged in the name and on the behalf of the nation with the execution of the Protocol. That the Allied Powers may accomplish their decisions, but that they will remain strangers to them; and that if orders are given for their execution in the Provinces, no one will obey them.

entered into by the Allies. This
Despatch, so far from dissipating
the apprehensions excited by the
former announcement, completely
confirms them, for the President
again refers to the observations
which are connected with his of-
ficial answers to the Residents,
and the whole clearly proves to
the undersigned, that the real and
unbiassed opinion of the Greek
Senate and people is firmly and
irrevocably hostile to the decisions
of the Allied Powers. The do-
cuments referred to are annexed
to the present note, and marked,
A. B. C. The undersigned does
not conceive it consistent with
his character and feelings to sub-
mit to be thus forced on an un-
willing people, and to be connected
in their minds with a diminished ter-
ritory-the abandonment of their
brethren in arms, and the evacua-
tion of their lands and houses,
from which hitherto the Turks
have never expelled them but by
a temporary incursion - these
results the undersigned always
apprehended. In his communi-
cation with the First Lord of the
Treasury, of the 9th of February,
he protested against going out to
govern the Greeks, in pursuance
of a Treaty which might also lead
to the bloodshed and murder of
their brethren. He objected to
the new boundaries as weak and
insecure, in a military point of
view, and claimed for the Greeks
the right of opposing his nomina-
tion.

In another Despatch, dated the 22d April, ulterior to his answer to the Residents of the 16th April, to which the Plenipotentiaries allude as dissipating their fears, the President says, that the Senate at length approves of his answer to the Residents, and is occupied with an Address and a The undersigned must here Memorial, which is to convey, ac- observe, that at no period of these cording to his previous communi- negotiations have any steps been cations, their reasons for refusing taken towards the drawing up of to comply with the arrangements a Treaty, of which the Protocol

was never considered by him but compulsory measures.

pro

as the basis, and to the importance of which he drew the Duke of Wellington's attention in the same note. If this Treaty has been delayed, it has been delayed by no fault of the undersigned. He never concealed from the Plenipotentiaries, that however he might be willing to make great sacrifices for the advantage of Greece, they had no right to expect that he would ever go to that country without that security for himself and the Greeks which could alone be found in the visions of a solemn and ratified Treaty. Again, in his memorandum of the 8th of March, he expressed himself in equally decisive terms, asserted that it would be necessary to conquer the ceded provinces from the Greeks, in order to give them to the Turks, and that the new Sovereign could not begin his reign by measures of police in order to make the Greeks abandon their own homes. If the Greek Senate had either expressed no opinion at all, or at least in such language as might admit the reasonable hope of their acquiescence in these measures, the undersigned might have, however unwillingly, consented to become the instrument of carrying the decisions of the Allied Powers into execution, and have endeavored, as much as possible, to alleviate their rigors and obviate But their lantheir tendency. guage is as uncompromising as their feelings are natural.

The undersigned is thus placed in this painful position in consequence of his nomination being, by the same act, connected with their

His first

act as a Sovereign will have to be
either to compel his own subjects
by force of foreign arms to submit
to the cession of their estates and
properties to their enemies, or to
join with them in resisting or evad-
ing a part of that very Treaty
which places him on the Throne
of Greece.

That one or the other alterna-
tive will be forced upon him is
certain, because the country be-
tween the two lines - Acarnania
and part of Etolia, which is now to

be

the

given up to the Turks-is, to-
gether with the fortresses, in the
peaceable possession of
Greeks. It is the country from
which Greece can best supply
herself with timber for building
ships-it is the country which
has furnished the best soldiers
during the war. The chief mili-
tary leaders of the Greeks have
been of Acarnanian or Etolian
Subsequently to the
families.

arrival in Greece of the Protocol
of the 22d of March, 1829, and
the publication of the assent of the
Turks to the excluded frontier in
the Treaty of Adrianople, all the
families which had survived the
war returned and commenced re-
building their houses and towns,
and cultivating their lands; these
people will never submit again to
the Turkish yoke without resist-
ance, and the other Greeks will
- abandon them to
not
their fate.

- cannot

In these circumstances, the duty which the undersigned has to perform towards Greece is clear and straight-forward. Throughout the whole of their transactions he has only contemplated the interests of

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that country, and has uniformly of the Allied Powers, and the protested both in his written com- opposition of the Greeks, deprive munications and his personal inter- him of the power of effecting this views with the Ministers of England sacred and glorious object; and and the Plenipotentiaries of the would impose on him an office of Allied Courts, against the Greeks a very different character-that being forced into arrangements, of a Delegate of the Three Allied considered by them as contrary Courts, appointed by them to hold to their wishes, and destructive of Greece in subjection by the force those rights which, as the Presi- of their arms. Such a measure dent justly observes, their great would be as repugnant to his feelsacrifices gave them a right to ings and injurious to his character,' insist upon. as it is in direct opposition to the objects of the Treaty of the 6th of July, in which the three Powers are associated for the purpose of obtaining the pacification of the East.

When the undersigned contemplated the high distinction of becoming Sovereign of Greece, it was with the hope of being acknowledged freely and unanimously by the Greek nation, and welcomed by them as the friend through whose means their long and heroic struggles were to be repaid, by the security of their territories, and the establishment of their independence on a permanent and honorable basis.

It is with the deepest regret that the undersigned sees these hopes annihilated, and is forced to declare that the arrangements

The undersigned, therefore, formally resigns into the hands of the Plenipotentiaries, a trust which circumstances no longer permits him to execute with honor to himself, benefit to Greece, or advantage to the general interests of Europe.

He begs the Plenipotentiaries to accept, &c.

LEOPOLD PRINCE DE SAXE.

ACTS

Passed at the First Session of the Twentyfirst Congress of the

United States.

N. B. The titles only of private acts and appropriation bills, are given; and the dates of approval refer back to the last preceding dates.

Andrew Jackson, President. John C. Calhoun, Vice President and President of the Senate. Andrew Stevenson, Speaker of the House of Representatives.

CHAP. 1. An Act, making an appropriation for repairing and fitting out the Frigate Brandywine.

Approved December 29, 1829.

CHAP. 2. An Act to authorize the exchange of certain lots of Land between the University of Michigan Territory and Martin Baum and others.

CHAP. 3. An Act to extend the time for locating certain donations in Arkan

sas.

CHAP. 4. An Act for the relief of Elijah Carr.

Approved January 13, 1830.

CHAP. 5. An Act, making appropriations for certain arrearages in the Naval service for the year one thousand eight hundred and twentynine.

CHAP. 12. An Act authorizing the Accounting Officers of the Treasury Department to pay to the State of Pennsylvania a debt due that State by the United States.

CHAP. 13. An Act to amend 'An Act to continue a copy right of John Rowlett.' CHAP. 14. An Act to authorize Survey

ors, under the direction of the Secretary of the Treasury to enrol and license ships or vessels to be employed in the coasting trade and fisheries.

SECT. 1. Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That, after the passage of this act, the Secretary of the Treasury be, and he is hereby, invested with powers to authorize the Surveyor of any port of delivery, under such regulations as he shall deem necessary, to enrol and license

CHAP. 6. An Act for the relief of Lewis ships or vessels to be employed in the

Schrack.

CHAP. 7. An Act for the relief of Joel Byington.

CHAP. 8. An Act for the relief of Nathaniel B. Wood.

CHAP. 9. An Act for the relief of Theophilus Cooksey.

Approved January 30, 1830. CHAP. 10. An Act, making appropriations for the payment of Revolutionary and Invalid Pensioners.

Approved February 3, 1830.

CHAP. 11. An Act to alter the time of holding the Circuit Court of the United States for the District of Maryland.

coasting trade and fisheries, in like manner as Collectors of ports of entry are now authorized to do, under existing laws.

SECT. 2. And be it further enacted, That any Surveyor who shall perform the duties directed to be performed by the first section of this act, shall be entitled to receive the same commissions and fees, as are now allowed by law to Collectors for performing the same duties, and no more.

CHAP. 15. An Act for the relief of the Widow and Children of Benjamin W. Hopkins.

CHAP. 16. An Act for the relief of Nancy Dolan.

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