contributions. For a hundred years France and Spain have been incurring expenses for improvements in Louisiana, for which its trade has never indemnified them. Large sums, which will never be returned to the treasury, have been lent to companies and to agriculturists. The price of all these things is justly due to us. If I should regulate my terms according to the value of these vast regions to the United States, the indemnity would have no limits. I will be moderate, in consideration of the necessity in which I am, of making a sale. But keep this to yourself. I want fifty millions, and for less than that sum I will not treat; I would rather make a desperate attempt to keep these fine countries. To-morrow, you shall have full powers.' The new plenipotentiary then made some general observations on the cession of the rights of sovereignty, and upon the abandonment of what the Germans call the souls, as to whether they could be the subject of a contract of sale or exchange. Bonaparte replied: 'You are giving me in all its perfec tion, the ideology of the law of nature and nations. But I require money to make war on the richest nation of the world. Send your maxims to the London market; I am sure that they will be greatly admired there, and yet no great attention is paid to them when the question is the occupation of the finest regions of Asia.

"Perhaps it will also be objected to me that the Americans may be found too powerful for Europe in two or three centuries; but my foresight does not embrace such remote fears. Besides, we may hereafter expect 1ivalries among the members of the Union. The confederations that are called perpetual, only last till one of the contracting parties finds it to his interest to break them, and it is to prevent the danger to which the colonial power of England exposes us, that I would provide a remedy.

The Minister made no reply. The First Consul continued: "Mr. Monroe is on the point of arriving. To this minister, going a thousand leagues from his constituents, the President must have given, after defining the object of his mission, secret instructions, more extensive than the ostensible authorization of Congress, for the stipulation of the payments to be made. Neither this minister, nor his colleague, is prepared for a decision which goes infinitely beyond anything that they are about to ask of us. Begin by making them the overture, without any subterfuge. You will acquaint me, day by day, hour by hour, of your progress. The cabinet of London is informed of the measures adopted at Washington, but it can have no suspicion of those I am now taking. Observe the greatest secrecy, and recommend it to the American Ministers; they have not a less interest than yourself in conforming to the counsel. You will correspond with M. de Talleyrand, who alone knows my intentions. If I attended to his advice, France would confine her ambition to the left bank of the Rhine, and would only make war to protect the weak states and to prevent any dismemberment of her possessions. But he also admits that the cession of Louisiana is not a dismemberment of France. Keep him informed of the progress of this affair."

Thus it is seen that, according to Marbois's own account, Bonaparte had determined, on the 10th of April, to part with Louisiana, and that he was as anxious to sell as the American Ministers to purchase. Both parties, being in such dispositions, could not fail to come promptly to some definite conclusion, despite the little coquetting and by-play acted on the part of Messrs. Marbois and Talleyrand, as described by Mr. Livingston, and which no doubt were intended to enhance the value of the commodity they had to dispose of.

The treaty of cession* was signed on the 30th of April. Louisiana was transferred to the United States, with all its rights and appurtenances, as fully and in the same manner as they had been acquired by the French Republic from Spain, on condition of the Americans consenting to pay to France eighty millions of francs, twenty millions of which should be assigned to the payment of what was due by France to the citizens of the United States. Some commercial advantages were besides stipulated in favor of France.

Article 3 of the treaty, which reads as follows: "The inhabitants of the ceded territory shall be incorporated in the Union of the United States, and admitted as soon as possible, according to the principles of the Federal Constitution, to the enjoyment of all the rights, advantages and immunities of citizens of the United States; and in the meantime they shall be maintained and protected in the free enjoyment of their liberty, property, and the religion which they profess"-was, wrote Marbois, prepared by the First Consul himself, who said on that occasion: "Let the Louisianians know that we separate ourselves from them with regret; that we stipulate in their favor every thing that they can desire, and let them, hereafter, happy in their independence, recollect that they have been Frenchmen, and that France, in ceding them, has secured for them advantages which they could not have obtained from an European power, however paternal it might have been. Let them retain for us sentiments of affection; and may their common origin, descent, language, and customs, perpetuate the friendship."

As soon as the Ministers had signed the treaty, writes the same author, who had acted so conspicuous a part in that important event, they rose and shook hands, when

* See the Appendix.

Mr. Livingston, expressing the satisfaction which they felt, said: "We have lived long, but this is the noblest work of our whole lives. The treaty which we have just signed has not been obtained by art or dictated by force; equally advantageous to the two contracting parties, it will change vast solitudes into flourishing districts. From this day the United States take their place among the powers of the first rank; the English lose all exclusive influence in the affairs of America. Thus one of the principal causes of European rivalries and animosities is about to cease. However, if wars are inevitable, France will hereafter have in the New World a natural friend, that must increase in strength from year to year, and one which cannot fail to become powerful and respected in every sea. The United States will re-establish the maritime rights of all the world, which are now usurped by a single nation. These treaties will thus be a guarantee of peace and concord among commercial states. The instruments which we have just signed will cause no tears to be shed: they prepare ages of happiness for innumerable generations of human creatures. The Mississippi and Missouri will see them succeed one another, and multiply, truly worthy of the regard and care of Providence, in the bosom of equality, under just laws, freed from the errors of superstition and the scourges of bad government."

As to the First Consul, when he was informed of the conclusion of the treaty, he sententiously and prophetically said: "This accession of territory strengthens for ever the power of the United States; and I have just given to England a maritime rival, that will sooner or later humble her pride."

Thus closed these negotiations, which I have thought of sufficient interest to be related in detail, and which eventuated in the most important treaty perhaps ever

signed in the nineteenth century, if it be judged by its consequences to the United States and to the rest of the world. Among those consequences were the extension of the area of freedom, an immense accretion to the physical and moral power of the great American Republic, and the subsequent acquisition of the Floridas, Texas, California, and other portions of the Mexican territory. Other results, at least of equal magnitude, may be clearly foreseen, and it may be permitted to the pride of patriotism to hope for the realization of Bonaparte's prevision: "that the day may come when the cession of Louisiana to the United States shall render the Americans too powerful for the continent of Europe."