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SENATE.]

Rhode Island Senators.—Appointment of Committees.

RHODE ISLAND SENATORS.

[DEC. 9, 1833.

himself to make a call on the Secretary of the Treasury
for information as to the actual condition, not only of the
United States Bank, but of all the other banks in which
the public money had been deposited. He had no objec-
tion to urge against the resolution which had been offered;
but, as he wished to obtain at a single view the condition
of the whole of the public treasury, he would move that
the resolution, for the present, lie on the table.
The motion was agreed to.

On motion of Mr. WRIGHT, the Senate proceeded to consider the resolution offered by him yesterday. Some conversation took place on the propriety of changing the language of the resolution from the ordinary form, in consequence of the novelty of the case, and the possibility that the present proceeding might be drawn into a precedent. Mr. CLAY, Mr. WRIGHT, and Mr. KING participated; and Mr. CLAY moved to amend the resolution by inserting after the words "five Senators," the Mr. CALHOUN, pursuant to notice, moved for leave words "to be elected by the Senate;" which was agreed to introduce a bill to repeal an act further to provide for the collection of duties on imports, approved March 2,

to.

Mr. POINDEXTER then signified his impression that 1832; and leave being granted, he introduced the bill, he whole proceeding was irregular and improper, and which was then read the first time, and ordered to a seat the true course would have been to refer the creden-cond reading.

ls of Mr. ROBBINS, in the first instance; and if his elec- Mr. BENTON, on leave, introduced a joint resolution n should be reported constitutional and proper, then to to amend the constitution of the United States in relation fer the credentials of Mr. POTTER to the same commit- to the election of President and Vice President, which Lee for their inspection. was laid on the table, on motion of

Atthe suggestion of Mr. KNIGHT, however, who, while he admitted that the course indicated by Mr. POINDEXTER would have been the more correct, expressed à hope that no fastidiousness as to forms would be suffered to delay the proceeding on the subject, the question on the adop on of the resolution, as amended, was put, and carried i the affirmative.

The Senate then proceeded to ballot for the select committee, when the Chair announced that the following gentlemen composed the committee:

Messrs. POINDEXTER, RIVES, FRELINGHUYSEN, WRIGHT, and SPRAGUE.

Adjourned to Monday.

MONDAY, DECEMBER 9.

The Senate proceeded to the election of its officers, and, having balloted first for a Secretary, Walter Lowrie received 39 ballots, being all that were given, and was accordingly declared to be unanimously re-elected Secretary of the Senate.

A balloting next took place for Sergeant-at-arms, when it appeared that J. Shackford had received 25 votes out of 40, and was elected.

Mr. BIBB, who stated that he had prepared a motion on the same subject, which he would submit on Wednesday, and wished both to be considered at the same time.

Mr. BENTON assented.

APPOINTMENT OF COMMITTEES.

The Senate then took up the resolution submitted by Mr. SPRAGUE on Thursday, proposing so to amend the rules as to restore to the Senate itself the appointment of its committees, instead of their appointment by the presiding officer.

officer.

Mr. SPRAGUE said that the resolution proposed to alter the rule of the Senate, on the appointment of their standing committees; and its object was to restore to the Senate the appointment of their own committees. It implied no disrespect whatever to the present presiding The Senate had the appointment of their own committees before he had occupied the chair. It was a be unnecessarily delegated. The appointment of comfundamental republican principle, that power should never should be executed by the Senate, unless in particular mittees he considered very important, and thought it cases the appointment should be given to the presiding officer. He deemed it unnecessary to suggest to the The information which they might collect and embody, Senate the importance of having proper committees. and send forth to the world, would have a great effect in the formation of public opinion. The resolution proposed The PRESIDENT pro temn. took this occasion to remark no novelty. It was only a recurrence to an old rule. If that he should have announced the standing committees he was correct in the history of the rule, the method this morning, according to the usual practice, had it not which he now proposed was adopted first after the formabeen that a resolution was offered by a Senator from tion of the Government. He was not aware of any change Maine on Thursday, which proposed to take away from in that method of appointment by a vote of the Senate, the presiding officer the power of appointing any com- till in 1823, when it was given to the presiding officer, mittees whatsoever. As this proposition had placed him and remained in his gift till 1826. In 1829 there was a in a somewhat delicate position, he thought that he should change to the rule as it now stands, giving the power of best discharge his duty by waiting the result of this mo- appointment to the President pro tem. The reason astion, especially as the inconvenience to the Senate of waiting a few days would be very trifling.

The Senate then proceeded to the election of an Assistant Doorkeeper, and, after six ballotings, Stephen Haight received 20 votes out of 39, and was accordingly elected.

APPOINTMENT OF COMMITTEES.

Mr. CLAY expressed a hope that the Senate would take up the resolution to which the Chair referred; and the Senate proceeded to the resolutions, the first of which was the following, submitted by Mr. BENTON on Thursday

last:

Resolved, That the Secretary of the Treasury be directed to report to the Senate

signed for this change was, that the Vice President was an officer not appointed by the suffrages of the Senate; and being thus not amenable to that body, his appointments might not be agreeable to the majority of that body. He presented these remarks for the consideration of the Senate, under a full conviction himself of their propriety; but he should be perfectly content with the determination of the Senate on the subject.

Mr. GRUNDY was not prepared to vote in favor of the 1. A statement of the amount of public moneys in the alteration. He wished to be satisfied, before the change Bank of the United States at the end of each month for took place, of the benefit which would result from its each year, from the establishment of the bank to the pre-adoption. There had been a great diversity of practice. sent time.

2. The average amount of the same for each year. The average of the same for the whole time. Mr. CLAY hoped that this resolution would be suffered to lie on the table until another day. He had wished

Originally the Senate appointed all their own committces; but difficulties interposed, and induced a change of the rules, so as to give the appointment to the presiding officer. There was afterwards a change, that the appointments should be made by the Vice President, which re

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The amendment was then put and carried.

[SENATE.

Mr. CHAMBERS argued in favor of the resolution, and against the postponement. He thought that the most proper mode of appointing the committees would be by the votes of the Senate.

mained the rule for a considerable length of time, till a rule were to be changed at all, he would desire to see it Senator from Virginia expressed the belief that there was so altered that the appointment of committees should be not such a political relation between the Vice President decided upon only by a majority of the members of that and the Senate as to justify the practice of his appointing House. He would, therefore, conclude by moving, as the committees. The power was not given him by the an amendment, "that the above-mentioned rule be so constitution, and he was not responsible to the Senate. changed, as to render a majority of votes necessary to The old order was adopted, that the Senate should elect the election of each member of a committee." their committees, which continued in force till the fall of Mr. SPRAGUE said he had no particular objection to 1828. Mr. G. wished to be informed by those members the amendment, and should be pleased to see it acted who had had experience in this method, whether it was upon, if it were practicable: he was himself in favor of the occasion of any serious difficulties. A plurality of a majority. five or ten votes might place members on important committees, perhaps not improperly; but one thing was cer tain, that members might have experience to qualify them better than other members without such experience, even if the latter had the greater talents. Since the alteration of the rule to its present form, Mr. G. had been sensible Mr. WRIGHT said that, having sat so short a time in that of no inconvenience; and he doubted whether there had House, he was unable to speak from experience of the been any sufficient to authorize a change, because it had advantages or disadvantages of the present system. He been the instrument of harmony and despatch in their had, however, reflected upon the subject, and, setting proceedings. He was glad to hear that the proposed all party feeling aside, it did appear to him that the queschange was not predicated on any deficiency in the pre- tion resolved itself into two points: either that the House siding officer; and unless there was some stronger reason should be contented to undergo the immense labor of balfor the change than had been urged, he should vote in lotting, or suffer the election of committees to be decided opposition to the resolution, and in favor of the old rule. by a few votes. He did not pretend to decide upon this He repeated his wish to hear the opinions of those mem-important question, but certainly was inclined to think bers of long standing, who had had experience in the va- that the Senate should not change its present system in rious changes, this matter. It appeared that a controversy had formerMr. KING said it was evident that the practice of bal- ly arisen upon this subject; that at one time the commitloting for each member of a committee would occupy too tees had been appointed by the Vice President; but that much time; such a system was bad enough when applied the Senate having become convinced of the impropriety to the election of a chairman, but would be almost im- of vesting this right in an individual not amenable to their practicable as at present recommended. The fact is, that body, had afterwards passed a rule permitting the comthe evils arising from this method of appointment had for- mittees to be chosen by the President pro tem. He had merly induced the Senate to run into the opposite extreme, heard that if the Vice President had taken his seat at the and to vest too much power in the hands of the Vice Pre- commencement of this session, the present debate could sident; but that, having afterwards discovered their er- not have arisen, as, by the existing laws of the Senate, he ror, they had taken it from the Vice President, and con- (the Vice President) would have preserved the power of ferred it upon their presiding officer pro tem. In this choosing the committees. He had also learned, and from procedure, he (Mr. K.) was of opinion that the Senate authority which he could not doubt, that the rule adopthad acted most properly. They had placed the matter ed in the fall of 1828 was considered as a distinct intiin the hands of an individual well calculated to fulfil the mation to the Vice President that his presence would not important duty which devolved upon him; one who knew be agreeable until the Senate had been organized. Mr. the separate capabilities of each member-some gentle- W. then referred to the journals of 1829 and 1830, and men had talents for one description of business, others for those of a subsequent date, and continued that he did another; one who would be able to parcel out the labor this to show that the Vice President had not assumed his in a proper manner; one who was of, and amenable to, seat until after the organization of the Senate. He betheir own body; and one who had hitherto, in every re- lieved that the Vice President, in absenting himself, had spect, fulfilled his duties to their satisfaction. The mat- only been influenced by natural and respectful feelings toter is at present, he (Mr. K.) believed, settled in the wards the Senate, and to give that body an opportunity manner most conducive to the general good; he saw no of electing their presiding officer. Mr. W. concluded necessity for a change. By balloting for each member, by saying that he believed there was a gentleman upon four or five gentlemen might be chosen for the same com- the floor of the House who could confirm what he (Mr. mittee. Arrangements might be made out of doors, and W.) had said, and give the House further information members might be influenced, for the moment, by pop-upon the subject.

ular individuals. He felt himself compelled to vote Mr. CLAY said that he was, and he regretted to be against any change in the present system, and could not obliged to acknowledge it, the oldest member of the Sensee why any alteration should be wished for, unless gen-ate, having taking his seat here for the first time twentytlemen intended to appoint committees which should act seven years ago, this month. He served out the session, and just as they (gentlemen) happened to think proper. was then absent for some years; but, on his return, he Mr. BIBB wished to know what rule of the Senate found the Senate in the practice of appointing their own would be altered by the adoption of the preceding resolu- committees. He could not recollect that any particular tion; he believed it would be the 34th rule, which declar- inconvenience attended that mode of appointment. It ed "that, in the absence of the Vice President, the Pre- took some time, but that time happened to be when the sident pro tem. should have the power of appointing com- Senate had always a great deal of leisure, during the few mittees." He was certainly opposed to that rule; for, un- first weeks of the session. He expressed his regret that der its action, he had seen five or six votes elect a commit- his colleague had thought it necessary to introduce his tee. Such committees were consequently not elected by amendment, but, since it had been adopted, he should a majority of the Senate; they were, in some cases, per- vote for the resolution as it was amended. It would be fectly accidental: he had known an election influenced and decided by the simple fact of some of the members of that House sitting near each other. He was hostile to the resolution as it then stood, and must say, that if the

easy to apply a remedy hereafter, if the necessity of haying a majority to elect the members of a committec should be found productive of inconvenience.

Something had been said as to the absence of a high of

SENATE.]

Public Lands.--Condition of the Banks.

[DEC. 10, 1833.

Mr. SPRAGUE remarked, that as the Senator was willing to have the amendment reconsidered, he wished it might be done.

Mr. BIBB then moved to reconsider the amendment, which motion prevailed.

The amendment was not adopted.

Mr. GRUNDY, on the original resolution, called for the yeas and nays.

The PRESIDENT, from motives of delicacy, asked to be excused from giving his vote on the resolution.

ficer, and that absence had been justified on the ground He therefore preferred the existing rule to that proposed, of usage. It had been said that, since the rule was al- even with the amendment. tered, an intimation had been given to the Vice President that it would be more agreeable to the Senate that he should be absent until the committees were appointed. He recollected a circumstance which occurred in the British House of Commons when he happened to be present. The ministers had been charged with neglect in not placing a squadron at the island of Elba, so as to prevent Napoleon from going back to France, and Lord Castlereagh was questioned concerning it. No man was more happy than his lordship in eluding a question when he did not desire to answer it, although it was equally due to Mr. POINDEXTER said the resolution had no referhim to state that no man was more fearless in meeting the ence to the present presiding officer, and he hoped he consequences of his measures whenever he thought it pro- would feel no delicacy in giving his vote. A single conper to avow them. On this occasion, the ministers sideration ought to govern the vote; the committees should had been certainly guilty of great negligence; but it represent the Senate. It was of great importance that would not do for Lord Castlereagh to admit it. He there- their reports should express to the public the sense of the fore gave a response, which was somewhat like the in- Senate on all important measures. He thought, theretimation alluded to by the Senator from New York. He fore, that when reports were thrown on the public, it said that there was an understanding between the Gov- should be done by committees who would truly repreernment and a certain high officer, that, in "the event sent the Senate. It was a delicate and difficult duty; but of contingencies," which he did not specify, a squadron it should be done without regard to personal considerawas to be placed near the island of Elba. If any of the tions; and when the committees throw upon the nation opposition could make any thing out of this reply, they the vast volume of their reports, it should be conducted were left to do so. If the Vice President viewed the by the action of the Senate. He had learned that lists of adoption of the present system of appointment as an inti- the names of committees had been sent into the departmation, he must be very ready to take a hint. He (Mr. ments, to see if they were acceptable. He thought such C.) always went directly to the place where the peo a proceeding improper. If the Senate should act in the ple put him, as a public servant ought to do, and there case for themselves, he thought it would be most likely to performed his duty, no matter what it was. As to the for- be acceptable to the country. mer Vice President, and the time when he appeared in his place, something ought to be allowed on the score of the distance he had to travel. There was a great difference between coming from Albany, especially with the present facilities of travelling, and a long journey from South Carolina, perhaps partly by water, and the residue over the bad roads of the Ancient Dominion. He thought it was an invidious distinction, that an officer appointed by themselves might with propriety appoint the commit- Mr. CLAY, pursuant to notice, asked and obtained tees, while an officer elected by the people was not per-leave to introduce a bill to appropriate for a limited time mitted to do so.

He disclaimed any desire to throw an imputation on the presiding officer in his character as President pro tem. He had already, on a former occasion, testified to his entire fitness, and he was not now disposed to retract that testimony; and he would add, that the delicate manner in which that officer had this morning announced the course he had taken in refraining from the appointment of the committees, had given him a stronger claim to confi. dence. But he thought the Senate owed it to themselves to appoint their own committees.

Mr. FRELINGHUYSEN said he should be glad of an opportunity for the further consideration of the subject, and, as the time was far advanced, on his motion, The Senate adjourned.

TUESDAY, DECEMBER 10.

PUBLIC LANDS.

the proceeds of the public lands, and granting lands to certain States. He explained that the bill was the same as that which passed at the last session, without material alteration, excepting the removal of the restriction of the States in the application of the proceeds, which he considered as unnecessary.

The bill was then read a first time, and ordered to the second reading.

CONDITION OF THE BANKS.

On motion of Mr. CLAY, the following resolution, offerMr. BIBB said he did not wish to interfere with the ed by Mr. BENTON, was taken up for consideration: sense of the majority of the Senate; but he thought that "Resolved, That the Secretary of the Treasury be diwithout the proposed amendment, to appoint each com-rected to report to the Senate

2. The average amount of the same for each year.

mitteeman by a majority instead of a plurality, the reso- 1. A statement of the amount of public moneys in the lution was highly objectionable; and even if it were so Bank of the United States at the end of each month, for amended, it did not comport with his ideas of convenience. each year, from the establishment of the bank to the preBut if the committees were to be appointed by the Sen- sent time. ate, he should insist on its being done by a majority. But he favored the rule in its present form, that the pre- 3. The average of the same for the whole time." siding officer appoint the standing committees, and all Mr. CLAY then moved to amend the resolution by addothers, unless the practice should be dispensed with, by a ing as follows: special order of the Senate. The presiding officer could "And resolved also, That the Secretary of the Treaknow how to make a distinction of labor and qualifica-sury be directed to report to the Senate the names of all tions better than a majority. Mr. B. was strengthened banks, and where they are respectively situated, which in his views of the subject, from the belief that it was have been selected by him, in place of the Bank of the the practice in most deliberative bodies in Great Britain United States, as depositories of the public money; the and America to appoint the committees by the presiding amount of the capital of the said banks respectively, disofficer. He had not been heretofore sensible of any in- tinguishing between what has been actually paid in by the convenience resulting from the practice. It was one ob- stockholders, and what has not been paid; the amount of jection to the proposed mode of appointment by the Sen- public moneys in each of the said banks on the 1st of ate, that one-third of that body go out every two years. October, the 1st of November, and the 1st of Decem

Dec. 10, 1833.]

Removal of the Deposites.

[SENATE.

ber, 1833, distinguishing between the same standing to dition of the treasury? A high officer of the Governthe credit of the United States, and those standing to the ment, who ought to be in the chair, now so honorably credit of any public officer, or other disbursing agent of filled by the President pro tem., and whose absence he the Government; the amount of debts due from each of (Mr. C.) sincerely regretted, had once told the Senate to the said banks on each of the days aforesaid, the amount see where the lost rights of the States were. Now he of notes in circulation, and the amount of specie in their (Mr. C.) wished to discover where was the public treavaults, respectively; the names of the stockholders in sury, and whether the public money was in safe cuseach of the said banks on the 1st day of September and tody. the 1st day of October last, distinguishing between fo- It was not his purpose to go into a discussion, but he reigners and citizens of the United States; the mode in had risen to state that it appeared to him to be his duty which transfers of the public money were made from as a Senator, and he hoped that other Senators took simithe Bank of the United States to the said banks respect- lar views of their duty, to look into this subject, and to see ively, whether by warrant or otherwise; if by warrant, what was to be done. As the report of the Secretary of the whether they were issued in pursuance of appropriations Treasury had declared the reasons which had led to the repreviously made by law, and whether any such transfers moval of the public deposites, and as the Senate had to judge were requested by the said banks, or either of them, or whether, on investigation of these reasons, the act was a made by the Treasury, to sustain the credit of the said wise one or not, he considered that it would not be right banks, or any of them; and a copy of all correspondence to refer the subject to any committee, but that the Senate between the Department of the Treasury and the said banks, or either of them, relating to the said transfers, or any of them; at what periods the several charters of the banks so designated as depositories of the public money expire; copies of the said charters; and whether the Secretary of the Treasury has been able to obtain, at all parts of the United States at which banks are established, the consent of banks to receive, as deposites, the public money, upon such conditions as he approves; and, if not, at what parts has he been unable to obtain such consent."

Mr. CLAY said that the amendment he had offered embraced a great variety of information; perhaps not all, however, which might be required by every Senator. In order to afford time for examination, and for making any additions to the call, he would move to lay the resolution on the table, and print the amendment. The motion was agreed to.

REMOVAL OF THE DEPOSITES.

Mr. CLAY rose and said that he desired to call the attention of the Senate to a subject, perhaps exceeding in importance any other question likely to come before the present Congress. He adverted to the report of the Secretary of the Treasury on the subject of the removal of the deposites. He then moved to take up this report for consideration.

The motion having been agreed to,

should at once act on it, not taking it up in the form of a report of a committee, but going into an examination of the reasons as they had been submitted.

He wished to make the report of the Secretary the order for some particular day, in the belief that the requisition made by the act of Congress on the Secretary of the Treasury for his reasons on the removal of the deposites, was doubtless intended to place the whole matter before Congress for consideration.

Mr. C. then moved to postpone the consideration of the report until Monday next, and to make it the special order for that day.

Mr. BENTON admitted that Congress had full power to go into the examination of the report. But he requested the Senate to bear in mind that the Secretary had announced, among other reasons which he had assigned for the removal of the deposites, that it had been caused by the misconduct of the bank, and he had gone into a variety of specifications, charging the pank with interfering with the liberties of the people in their most vital elements-the liberty of the press, and the purity of elections. The Secretary had also charged the bank with dishonoring its own paper on several occasions, and that it became necessary to compel it to receive paper of its own branches. Here, then, were grave charges of misconduct, and he wished to know whether, in the face of such charges, this Congress was to go at once, without the previous examination of a committee, into action upon the subject?

Mr. C. then said that the charter granted to the Bank of the United States provided for the deposite of the money of the United States in that bank and its He desired to know whether the Senate were now branches. It vested in the Secretary of the Treasury about to proceed to the consideration of this document as the power to remove those deposites, whenever such it stood, and, without receiving any evidence of the removal should be required by the public interests; charges, or taking any course to establish their truth, to but it is further required that whenever he does re- give back the money to this institution? He thought it move the deposites, he shall submit to Congress his rea- would be only becoming in the bank itself to ask for a sons for the act at their next session. A removal of the committee of scrutiny into its conduct, and that the subpublic deposites had been determined on. How this was ject ought to be taken up by the House of Representato be effected, or at whose instance, was not at present tives, which, on account of its members, its character as the question to be considered. But a removal had taken the popular branch, and the fact that all money bills place; and the Secretary had stated that this was done originated there, was the most proper tribunal for the by his order, and he had laid before Congress his reasons. hearing of this case. He did not mean to deny that the When Congress, at the time of the passage of the charter Senate had the power to go into the examination. But of the bank, made it necessary that these reasons should to fix a day now for the trial of so important a case, be submitted, they must have had some purpose in their he considered as premature. Were the whole of the mind. It must have been intended that Congress should charges to be blown out of the paper by the breath of look into these reasons, determine as to their validity, the Senate? Were they to decide on the question, each and approve or disapprove them, as might be thought Senator sitting there as witness and juror in the case? He proper. The reasons had now been submitted, and it did not wish to stand there in the character of a witness, was the duty of Congress to decide whether or not they unless he was to be examined on oath either at the bar of were sufficient to justify the act. If there was a sub- the Senate, or before a committee of that body, where ject which, more than any other, seemed to require the the evidence would be taken down. He wished to know prompt action of Congress, it certainly was that which the manner in which the examination was to be conhad reference to the custody and care of the public trea- ducted; for he regarded this motion as an admission of sury. The Senate, therefore, could not, at too early a the truth of every charge which had been made in the period, enter on the question-what was the actual con-report, and as a flight from investigation.

SENATE.]

Election of Chaplain.—Appointment of Committees.

[DEC. 10, 1833.

The motion was then agreed to, and the report was but from an expression of delicacy on the part of the made the special order for Monday next.

Mr. CLAY then offered the following resolution. He believed that, by the rule of the Senate, it would have to lie one day. His object was to discover who it was that had made the removal of the deposites.

Resolved, That the President of the United States be requested to inform the Senate whether a paper, under date of the 18th day of September, 1833, purporting to have been read by him to the heads of the several departments, relating to the deposites of the public money in the treasury of the United States, and alleged to have been published by his authority, be genuine or not; and, if it be genuine, that he be also requested to cause a copy of the said paper to be laid before the Senate. The resolution lies on the table.

ELECTION OF CHAPLAIN.

The Senate then proceeded to the special order of the day, being the election of a chaplain.

On the first ballot it appeared that there were 39 ballots given in, of which Mr. Post had 13, Mr. Pise 10, Mr. Smith 8, Mr. Hatch 6, and 2 scattering.

On the second trial 41 ballots were given in, viz: Mr. Post 14, Mr. Smith 11, Mr. Hatch 10, Mr. Pise 6.

Mr.

On the third trial 40 ballots were given in, viz:
Post 16, Mr. Smith 11, Mr. Hatch 12, Mr. Pise 1.
On the fourth trial there were 40 ballots given in, viz:
Mr. Post 15, Mr. Smith 11, Mr. Hatch 13, Mr. Pise 1.
On the fifth trial there were 40 votes given in, of
which there were for Mr. Post 14, Mr. Smith 8, Mr.
Hatch 17, Mr. Pise 1.

On the sixth ballot Mr. Hatch received 23 votes out of 41, and was declared elected.

APPOINTMENT OF COMMITTEES.

The Senate then resumed the consideration of the following resolution offered by Mr. SPRAGUE:

Resolved, That the 35th rule of the Senate shall be amended so as to read and stand as it did prior to the 24th day of December, 1828.

The CHAIR having again requested to be excused from voting on the question,

President. That feeling had been expressed by him
yesterday; and, after a night's reflection, he had again
suggested the same delicate consideration. The Senator
from Tennessee had said that he and the President might
both be excused on the same ground of delicacy. Mr.
C. thought the questions were very different; they re-
lated to the investment of power in one man or many; to
a concentration or distribution of power, of which the
Senator would have 1-41 of the whole; the difference
was as 41 to 1. Mr. C. was always disposed to applaud
the motives which had for their object the avoidance of
power, rather than those which would often suggest the
declaration, "I am ready to take the responsibility."
The question was, whether the power of the Senate
should be resumed by that body. The Senator supposed
the Vice President might soon be here, and it was desira-
ble that he should be; for, until he arrived, the Senate
could not be properly organized. If he should arrive
to-morrow by 12 o'clock, the Senate would then have all
discretion, and would elect their entire committees by
ballot. He should, however, insist on the restitution of
the power to the Senate. Whenever the President
should announce the conviction expressed by the Senator
from Tennessee, he should yield the point at once; but,
while his feelings of delicacy prevailed, he should perse-
vere in the proposition to excuse him.

Mr. GRUNDY said he did not know the movements of the Vice President; he was not informed whether he would arrive to-morrow; but he did know that, for years, the Vice President never did arrive for a week after the session commenced, or at any rate till after the committees were appointed. If the Vice President had now done exactly as his predecessors had done without complaint, he saw no reason why complaints should now be made. He asked if the President had expressed an unwillingness to appoint the committees; he had not heard him; on the contrary, he had signified his wish to exercise the power of appointment. Of the propriety of his doing so, each individual must judge for himself; each had his own different ideas of propriety; but he would not consent to vote that a State should have but a single voice, when it had two Senators; and if the President's opinions accorded with his own, he would be against relinquishing his sense of public duty.

Mr. CLAY moved that the Chair be excused. Mr. GRUNDY said the question was first started by the Chair, and he believed that it arose from a misunder- Mr. CALHOUN rose to say that he had never understanding on the subject. When the honorable Senator stood that the Vice President was not to take his seat till the was appointed Chairman, the appointment of the com- appointment of committees had been made. He remarked mittees devolved upon him in virtue of his office. He that in all cases he had been unable to arrive earlier, and now asked to be excused from voting; and why? because the reason why he did not must be attributed to domestic of the delicacy of the case; because his vote would go to and private considerations; he was incapable of getting here retain power, or divest himself of it. He asked what in time. He had not intended to participate in the debate, was the difference between the President and himself but he would say that he entirely concurred with the Sena(Mr. G.) in voting on the resolution. Mr. G. would tor from Mississippi, that the committees should truly revote to take away power from the President, and present the Senate, and should therefore be chosen by give a part to himself; there was, therefore, the same their suffrage. ground for delicacy in both cases.

Mr. FORSYTH endeavored, in a few words, to vindicate the Vice President against the allusions which had been thrown out respecting him.

There were still other considerations adverse to his being excused. The power of the President was now temporary; to-morrow at 12 o'clock the Vice President Mr. SPRAGUE thought the rule ought to be amended might arrive, and the present presiding officer might, by as proposed; or that the power of the President should being excused, divest himself of an important right to not be left, as now, beyond the will and control of the vote on the resolution, when he should stand on a level Senate. He now held his power at the will of another man, with the other Senators; and so, by declining to vote, or who might appear at any moment, and, by taking his seat by being exempted from voting, an entirely different di- or not, as he pleased, might leave the choice of the comrection and decision might be given to the measure. Mr. mittees to the President pro tem., or compel the Senate to G.'s sense of duty would not permit him to consent that elect them by ballot. He asked what inconvenience would the President should be excused. It was a sufficient be incurred by adopting the resolution? At this period of reason why he should vote against his request, that it was the session, it was not as great as was incurred by the due to his constituents to have them represented by people, in their primary assemblies, when they chose their own officers. He thought the Senate should not shrink from a labor that was constantly incurred by the people. It had been said that the appointments had better be

full vote.

a

Mr. CLAY said he had made the motion to excuse the President, not from any opinion or feeling of his own,

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