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which Buonaparte now stood; when we saw him reduced to make professions contrary to his very nature; when we saw the vessel in which his fortunes were embarked labouring with the storm, and its mast bowed down to the water's edge, it would be the height of impolicy and absurdity to hesitate on the cause that we had to pursue.

Lord CASTLEREAGH said, that the military force of ALL THE REST OF EUROPE was combined against the HALF OF FRANCE.

Mr. PLUNKETT said, that we had now a most powerful combination of Allies, not fomented by us, but acting from the moral feeling which pervades all Europe. If we were foolish enough to throw away those means, we could never hope to recall them. Those of his friends who had talked the most about husbanding the resources of the country, had confessed, that when an occasion should arrive, when some important blow could be struck against the enemy, that system should be no longer persevered in. That important crisis had now arrived. It was vain to expect that a more favourable opportu nity would ever arrive. All the great powers of Europe were now with us, and a considerable portion of the population of France.

233. Such was the language, the at once bullying and hypocritical language, made use of upon this occasion. Not a word was here said about the real ultimate objects, supposing the allies to succeed; not a word about inflicting a tribute and a debt upon France; not a word about taking away her frontier towns; not a word about crippling her for a hundred years to come; not a single word about making her so miserable as to silence the reformers in England, and to make people shudder at the thought of abolishing tithes; not a word of all these; it was the peace, morality, religion, and social happiness

of the world, that these humane, pious, and generous creatures had in view. They carefully abstained, too, from stating their ultimate intentions with regard to the Bourbons, except as far as merely related to the bringing of them back again; not thinking it necessary, apparently, as the king of France was one of the allies, to say anything upon this subject; and not by any means intimating to the people of France, that they meant to load them with a debt to defray the expense of subjugating them; and that they graciously intended further to strip those museums of which the people of PARIS were so stupidly proud. All these things, the reader will perceive, were carefully kept out of sight. He will see, however, in the sequel, that these things were not forgotten; and he will also see, that, though the mischief was done to France, mischief, full as great, to England was done by the same means; mischief, which she will never cease to feel the effects of, until she have spirit enough to get rid of the burden, which she suffered to be brought upon her for the purpose of doing this mischief to France; or rather, to freedom and justice in England. Thus it was that this new war was determined on. NAPOLEON, in the meanwhile, was very busy in making a new constitution for France, still preserving his title of Emperor, and all the foolish and nonsensical attributes which he had before assumed,

and of the ridiculous vanity, giving rise to which, it seemed that nothing could cure him. From this childish work he was very soon summoned by the approach of eight hundred thousand mercenaries, of all nations, towards the RHine. Notwithstanding the unpopularity of his emperorship, he soon got an army together, quite sufficient, if there had been no treachery in it, to have defeated all his foes; but it was all treachery. Some of the principal persons having charge of the police at PARIS were corrupted; and, though, perhaps, the fact is not to be ascertained upon oath, there can be very little doubt that there was monstrous treachery in the army itself. The Duke of WELLINGTON was the General-inChief of the armies of the allies. To attempt to describe the marchings and counter-marchings of these myriads of men, would be vain. It is possible that something like a correct description might be contained in a large volume; but it has nothing really to do with my object; which is to show the motives by which this government was actuated, the measures proceeding from those motives, and the consequences of those measures; and the use of doing this, is, not only to enable the people to form a just judgment of the past conduct of their government, but to induce them to watch its movements in future.

234. By the rapidity of his movements, NAPO

LEON got into BELGIUM before a great part of the allies had reached the RHINE; but WELLINGTON was there with his army of English, and the Hanoverians and Prussians were also ready. The battle (for there was but one) was fought at a place called WATERLOO; and, suffice it to say, that the French were completely defeated, and that NAPOLEON, with the remnant of his army, retreated towards PARIS with all possible speed. Before we look at the conduct of the allies towards France, we must follow NAPOLEON, which we may do with great rapidity, to the end of his Imperial career, and also to the end of his life.

235. His conduct, after the battle of WATER1.00, was the most contemptible, the most ridiculously base, of that of any man that ever lived. Beaten, abandoned, become nothing, his execrable vanity still clung to him. Before he marched towards the RHINE, he had made, as was observed before, a new constitution for France, which provided for two legislative bodies. Having fled back to PARIS, where he was much about in the condition of a fox which has gone to earth, knowing that the hounds are just at his heels, he, in this state, sent a message to the legislative bodies, calling upon them to take measures for the re-organization of his army, and for replacing the arms, ammunition, and baggage, almost the whole of which had been

lost. The assemblies, who were not such fools as to think that his affairs were to be retrieved, received his imperial message in a manner very nearly bordering upon scorn. Perceiving this, he sent them another message, informing them that he had abdicated in favour of his son ! This message, after exciting very turbulent debates, produced, at last, the appointing of a council of regency. The next day BUONAPARTE sent to the assemblies the following declaration to the French people:

BUONAPARTE'S DECLARATION TO THE FRENCH PEOPLE.

FRENCHMEN!-In commencing war for maintaining the national independence, I relied on the union of all effer s, of all wills, and the concurrence of all national authorities. I had reason to hope for success, and I braved all the declarations of the Powers against me. Circumstances appear to me changed. I offer myself as a sacrifice to the hatred of the enemies of France. May they prove sincere in their declarations, and have really directed them only against my power! My political life is terminated, and I proclaim my son under the title of Napoleon II. Emperor of the French. The present Ministers will provisionally form the Council of the Government. The interest which I take in my son induces me to invite the Chambers to form, without delay, the Regency by a law. Unite all for the public safety, in order to remain an independent nation.

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236. Nothing that can be imagined could possibly have been more contemptible than this. What right had he, supposing him to have had the power to do it, to appoint, or nominate, or say

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