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LETTER XXXII.

Wednesday, July 5.

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THE walls of Paris were covered this morning with placards, of the most important nature. The convention; the thanks of the chambers to the

army of the west; the thanks to the army of Paris, and a proclamation of the Prince of Essling to the national guards of Paris. You will see by the convention, that the commanders in chief of the English and Prussian armies bind themselves to respect the actual authorities, as long as they shall exist. In the thanks to the army of Paris, you will find that the proposition of M. Penières, with respect to the preservation of the national colours, is included, and also that the displaying of any other than those colours is expressly forbidden by the Prince of Essling. The internal service of the capital is still to be left in the hands of the national guard, and the municipal gendarmery. No alarming consequences followed the tumult of yesterday; but until the army shall have finally marched to its destination,

there will be pretence at least for the rumours that the federates will rise. The men in uniform, who appeared yesterday most active in fomenting the discontent, are said not to have been soldiers, but disguised malcontents; and it is allowed on all hands, that such of the imperial guard as were seen in the streets preserved the utmost decency and decorum.

Passing to the palace of the legislative body, early in the afternoon, I found the whole long ascent of steps, and all the avenues, covered with the national guard, who allowed no one to approach the doors when the galleries were once full. A member of my acquaintance, going to the sitting, told me he believed they were choosing a king; and such was the common rumour until the journals of this evening appeared, and shewed that their deliberations had been perhaps preliminary to that measure, but that no mention had been made of proceeding to election. We ask ourselves what king, for there is no longer any talk of the certain succession of Napoleon the Second, although the bust and pictures of that infant are now the most prominent ornaments of the printshops. The Journal de l'Empire at last speaks out boldly, and says, it would be absurd to think of any other sovereign than Louis XVIII. That parent of his people is at Compiegne, with the na

tional guards of Picardy and Flanders; and the worthy Count of Artois is said to be at Lord Wellington's head-quarters. The Duke of Orleans' name is again put into this lottery of crowns and sceptres; for rumours in his favour were this day renewed. The secrecy observed by the government, and all its agents, on this occasion, is truly admirable. They have had the address to keep the proclamations of Louis out of the papers, although communicated to five hundred people at least; and by so doing they shew that they know better than that monarch what may increase his chance of being elected as a constitutional king; for such is the best hope now entertained by those, who seem to be acquainted with the extremity to which France is reduced. The proceedings of the representatives shew them determined to make every effort to obtain this blessing, which, although their honour might be piqued in standing by Napoleon the Second, yet is the essential object, and if attained, will secure for ever to France the rights and privileges of a free and happy nation. It will be astonishing indeed, if these patriots should be able to do more for their country, in her extreme distress, than has ever been accomplished by the successful champions of national independence. It will consummate the

glory of England, and add a lustre to her name which victory cannot purchase, if her triumphant armies respect, if they guarantee, the efforts of those legislators, who in the hour of peril and disgrace consecrate, what may be their last mo ments, to the defence of freedom and the cause of posterity. Fortune has put into the hands of the Duke of Wellington the capacity of finishing his fame, by a deed reserved for him alone of all conquerors, and worthy the general of a free and enlightened people. If the truth does reach him, it will come through the mouths of those in whom he will have a just diffidence ; but could he but be persuaded, what I most firmly believe to be the case, that the following declaration of the representatives speaks the language of the great majority of France, as it certainly does the language of liberty and sense, I cannot but think that to his laurels he would deign to add the crown decreed to those who know how to spare and to save. The declara

tion agreed to is as follows:

Declaration of the Chamber of Representatives.

"The troops of the allied powers are about to occupy the capital.

"The chamber of representatives will never

"theless continue to sit in the midst of the in, "habitants of Paris, whither the express will of "the people hath called its mandatories.

"But in these weighty circumstances, the "chamber of representatives owe to themselves, "to France, and to Europe, a declaration of "their sentiments, and their principles.

"They declare then, That they make a solemn "appeal to the fidelity and the patriotism of the "national guard of Paris, the depository of the "national representation.

They declare, That they repose with the "most entire confidence on the principles of morality and of honour, on the magnanimity of the allied powers, and on that respect for the independence of the nation, so positively ex"pressed in their manifestos,

They declare, that the government of France, whoever may be its chief, ought to call round itself the wishes of the nation, legally declared, and to co-operate with the "other governments, in order to form a common "tie and guarantee of peace between France " and Europe..

They declare, that no monarch can offer any real guarantees, unless he swear to observe "a constitution formed upon the deliberations ss of the national representation, and accepted by

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