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night), this assurance must be the consequence of their communications; and as it seems that the promises of offering no interference in filling the throne have been renewed, the French people have surely a right to expect that Louis shall not again follow the baggage trains of the allies. The honour of England is in the hands of the Duke of Wellington. If, after being the sole objectors to the eighth article of the treaty of the 25th of March, we should be the persons to force Louis upon the French, no time nor history will furnish so black a page as such a conduct, on the part of our cabinet, will add to the base records of court policy, The representatives must have seen something in the communica. tions of government which led them to hope, that one honest, dignified exertion might yet save the nation from the return of despotism. This persuasion has induced them not to give way to despair, nor abandon their posts by a voluntary separation, which, one or two of their royalist colleagues ventured to hint, was the necessary consequence of the surrender of Paris. This devotion in a cause, which less sincere or intrepid patriots might think hopeless, enabled them this day, when the yoke seemed lifted over their necks, to discuss and agree to a declaration of the rights of Frenchmen, and the funda. mental principles of their constitution, which an Englishman, at least, should respect, as it is the essence of those institutions under which he lives and is free. I inclose it*. This, as well as the other declaration, was adopted amidst repeated shouts of " long live the nation,” from all parts of the assembly and of the galleries.

M. Felix Lepelletier was justified in calling this a memorable sitting. The British troops were taking possession of Montmartre, when these undaunted legislators proclaimed the inde. pendence of France with a courage no less constant than when they voted the basis of their limited monarchy under the discharges of artillery that announced the victories of Napoleon on the opening of the campaign. The English nation has certainly some right to complain of France, and some human hints of reprisal may now drop in our parliament and be forgiven; but a great people should resemble the divinityby making reform, rather than vengeance, the object of its chastisements, and by securing itself against future aggression, in any way more generous than that of visiting past delinquencies. The attempt to establish a free government in this country should find the warmest patrons

* See Appendix-No. 40.

In the British cabinet. Let us recollect, that the French people have been always, allowed by ourselves to have been not guilty of the tyrannies and usurpation of their late leader, and have been always pitied by us rather as the tools than as the champions and partners of ambition. I shall say nothing of the esteem and distinction which the name of Englishman has long commanded in France, and which has, even during these late disasters (of which we must be looked upon as the immediate cause), so far prevailed, as to make our institutions the object of their perpetual eulogy and imitation. I am sure, that even the vanity of Frenchmen would be lost in their gratitude, if we would but consent to allow them to follow our example in the choice of a government and a king. I have some hopes that Lord Wellington, on seeing that the yacancy of the throne by no means implies the reascension of Louis, and that France shuts her arms still closer against the king, since disembarrassed from the embrace of her Emperor, will consult the honour of his country in taking no step by which her promises may be eluded or annulled. He had a con. ference with the Duke of Otranto this day,

In the proclamation of the government there is a phrase which might have been spared, and


which has occasioned many comments. Napoleon is designated as a prince“ abandoned “ by fortune and the national will.” The first news of this prince since his departure was given this day in the Moniteur; he was at Tours at eleven o'clock on the 30th of June, and had a short conversation with the prefect, on the state of the national guards in the department of the Indre and Loire. Two days ago there was a current rumour of his still being in Paris, and at the camp; a circumstance now accounted for from the extraordinary resemblance said to exist between Napoleon and two officers of the

French army.


Thursday, July 6th.

In the afternoon of this day I witnessed, at the barrier de l'Etoile, a sight of which history furnishes no previous example—the surrender of the capital of France to British troops. This took place at half past four, by which hour all the gates of Paris were in the hands of the allies. Whilst this was passing, the criers were distributing a paper dated from the prefecture of police, signed Courtin, stating that the French plenipotentiaries sent to the allied sovereigns had returned, that the conferences commenced at Hagueneau are adjourned until the English minister should have received his powers, and will be resumed at Paris, where the allied sovereigns and their ministers will not delay to arrive. It adds, “ That the allied sovereigns, faithful to " their declaration, announce the most liberal “ inclinations, and the most decided intention “not to impose upon France any form of go“vernment, but to leave her absolutely free in

Their plenipotentiaries have

" that respect.

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