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two ordonnances of the restored monarch, denouncing vengeance on the culpable, and restoring all the corrupt authorities of his former reign. It was reserved for the day of his entry that the palaces of his ancestors should be defiled by the barbarians of the north—that the streets, the bridges, the avenues, of his capital should groan under the weight of foreign cannon. And under whose influence, at whose bidding, does this fatal change in the conduct of the conquerors appear to have been commanded ? Is it only from a coincidence, that it has taken place at the arrival of the minister of that government, which made an exception to an article of the treaty of Vienna, because that article appeared to imply an interference with, and an aggression upon, the national independence of France? Is it from a coincidence only, that on the appearance of the apostle of good faith and sincerity, of the master of the only moral cabinet of Europe, the ferocity of a Blucher is at once let loose in violation of all honour and honesty, of former promises and recent stipulations?

They will endeavour to make you think in England, that in compliance with the wishes of the nation, and in concert with the inclinations of those provisionally intrusted with power, Louis has been handed peaceably to a vacant throne, as at the call of the senate of the former year. They will, to this effect, quote to you the Moniteur, which is this day put into the hands of the royalist Vitrolles, and consequently opens with a direct falsehood, in these words“ The “ commission of government has acquainted the

king, by the organ of its president, that it has “just dissolved itself.”

You may feel assured that this is not true; no communication of that kind took place between the king and the government, whatever the Duke of Otranto may have notified unofficially. If I may depend upon the assertion of one of the commission, what did actually happen was as follows: Lord Castlereagh, on his arrival at head-quarters, imparted to the commission his surprise, indeed his indignation, that Louis was not yet in Paris, and added that he must come in to-morrow, or the next day at furthest. The president of the government replied that he understood from the allied sovereigns, that there was no intention, on their part, to interfere with the inclinations of the French nation, in the election of its monarch; for answer to which remonstrance, his lordship only introduced Mr. Pozzo di Borgho, and the ministers of the other two principal powers, each of whom drew a note from his pocket, stating their respective so

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vereigns' agreement with the English minister, and their resolution to replace Louis on the throne of France. This was decisive, but the government was still sitting in the Tuileries, when a squadron of cavalry, and two battalions of Westphalian infantry, and several pieces of cannon, marched into the Place du Carousel, and occupied the inner court of the palace; and an officer entering the council chamber, told the commissioners that he was ordered to evacuate the apartments, and at the same time presented a paper, which contained a demand of a contribution of a hundred millions, signed by Marshal Blucher. The government remonstrated; they contrasted this demand and conduct with the articles of the convention, which secured the public and private property; and which left the service of the interior of thecapital to the national guard; but in vain. The officer did not understand the nicety of the distinction, and the government had no other resource than to resolve upon communicating their forced dissolution to the chambers, and upon retiring each to his own home. As to the contribution, they deposited the paper upon the council table, where, said the Duke of Otranto, “ we will leave it as a legacy for the king.” The government did not dissolve itself. It was dissolved by Lord Castlereagh.

You will now see the last act of what the base

royalist journals call the ridiculous farce of the national representation, but what you perhaps will find to be truly noble, and worthy the best ages of liberty.

At the opening of the meeting, in the morning of yesterday, a message from the government informed the chamber that every precaution had been taken by the executive to insure the tranquillity of the capital, and the safety of the government and of the national representation. The chamber then proceeded to the order of the day, and the discussion of the constitution article by article. Two other messages arrived, giving notice, that the army had been paid for the whole month of June, that the sums for the payment of the present month were in the hands of the receiver-general, and that two millions had been advanced to the troops on marching: the second related to the fourth veteran battalion being allowa ed to continue its duties at Paris. The discussion on the constitution was resumed, and passed to the question of the peerage, whether or not it should be bereditary and unlimited, which excited much debate. Two secretaries were sent to the Tuileries to hasten a message from the government, which had long been expected to decide upon their destinies, it being known that the Luxemburgh, where the peers were sitting, was occupied by Prussian troops. The debåte,

however, continued, and M. Manuel, in an eloquent speech, supported the hereditary and unlimited peerage. General Carnot had ascended the tribune to deliver his sentiments, when a state officer from the Tuileries presented himself at the end of the theatre, with the long expected message. The eyes of every one present were instantly directed towards him: it was in vain that some members demanded that the deliberations should not be interrupted ; no one looked at, or listened to the orator, who, overcome by the impatience of the assembly, discontinued his argument, and himself taking the paper, read, from the tribune, the following communication.

« Monsieur le President,

Jusqu'ici nous avons croire que les souverains alliés n'étaient point unanimes sur le choix du prince qui doit régner en France. Nos plé

nipotentiaires nous ont donné les mêmes assurances à leur retour.

Cependant les ministres et les généraux des puissances alliés ont déclaré hier, dans les conférences qu'ils ont eues, avec le président de la commission, que tous les souverains s'étaient engagés a replacer Louis XVIII. sur le trône, VOL. II.

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