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the prompt punishment of every one who has not, to use their own expression, “ followed the right line;" and who would rather their mo. narch should reign over solitudes than cities defiled by the children and champions of the revolution. It may be held by the ignorant garretteers of the Strand, and their no less absurd disciples, the admirers of the apes of the imitators of the writers whose best pages seem but the ropy drivellings, which a brain, such as that of Mr. Burke, might have purged from the dregs of dotage-who are resolved that no good can come out of Nazareth ; and, in spite of all experience, see in the merciful, moderate, constitutional minister of 1815, the sanguinary anarchical jacobin of 93, the enemy of kings and priests, of gods and men. As to the imputed treachery of his counsel, any one must feel bim absolved, who knows France, and who is aware that if she is to be preserved for Louis, it must be by conciliatory measures, not by re-action; a simple word to our ears, but which in this country implies deaths, dungeons, confiscations, exiles, proscription, and disgrace, in all its hideous forms. An exclusive adoption of the principles and conduct of the old French monarchy, which some suppose might have been politic at the first restoration, becomes impossible at present, when such a policy must embrace the punishment of so many thousands, it may be said millions, who have had the fatal opportunity of displaying their revolutionary attachments during the last three months. The conduct which might have been borne perhaps immediately subsequent to the despotism of Napoleon, cannot be hazarded after the comparative liberty of his last short reign; when the great body of the nation was flattered by a recurrence to those principles, which first launched them upon their revolutionary career; and when Napoleon was regarded only as the foremost champion of their recovered independence. If the king is betrayed, it will not be by M. Fouché, nor by those men, who having grown old amidst their countrymen, are the companions of their faults and their repentance, of their glory and their defeat. Louis may have a more dangerous traitor in his own breast, or in his family; or amongst his friends, amongst those who have forgot nothing, and have learnt nothing, who have lived in vain themselves, and for whom the rest of mankind have lived in vain ; who would be the Richelieus of France, forgetting they are not the cotemporaries of Louis the Thirteenth. The Duke of Otranto may have to reconcile himself to the friends of liberty in England, to whom his conduct may appear at least equivocal ; although, to my mind, it should rather be quoted in proof of the moderation and wisdom, by which the patriots of France are contented to obtain the object of their wishes; and, instead of a perverse, obstinate, unaccommodating attachment to names or individuals, or listening to the suggestions of pride and shame, still labour on in the rational pursuit of that constitutional independence, which, whether it be obtained under a Louis or a Napoleon, under the auspices of victory, or during the day of distress, may be no less valuable in itself, and handed down as a possession in perpetuity to their more fortunate and happier descendants. Ask yourself what appears in your eyes the duty of an honest citizen, of a well-wisher to France: would you not endeavour to stifle your personal animosities against the dynasty, triumphant indeed in the misfortune of your country, but still the medium of reconciliation between your nation and the remainder of Europe, the guarantee of a peace which may leave time for the improve. ment of your social institutions ? would you not take advantage of the difficulties which impede their establishment of despotism, (to which they may perhaps incline,) and wring from their weakness that which a stronger monarch might be enabled to refuse? Instead of meditating schemes of vengeance, which could only end in civil wars or massacres, would you not endeavour to give a pledge in your own person of the pos. sibility of mutual reconcilement, and of the amalgamation of all party distinctions and opinions in one patriotic union, bent upon the formation of a government, tending to moderate all passions, to protect all rights, to secure and encourage the exercise of all social duties; and to put a final close to the long revolution, by the perpetual establishment of every practical benefit, which that revolution was originally intended and calculated to procure? The insignificance of the monarch being the first object of every constitutionalist, would you not think it as unreasonable to make him the object of your hatred as of your love? I am not called upon, however, to be the apologist of M. Fouché *; and I shall only add, that it is but just to withhold any censure of his conduct, until it shall appear that he has lent his name and authority to any act decisively anti-national, and in opposition to the professions and tenor of his latter career. The majority of the king's cabinet is composed of men, whose opinions may be supposed to tend

* Since writing this, I have been assured, from a quarter to which I cannot but pay every deference, that Fouché was in correspondence with the king when at Ghent, and that the proscription list was arranged between him and Talleyrand so early as April. I cannot, however, the less refuse to record what was my impression when at Paris, nor on what arguments I founded it-neither shall I declare that impression to be removed.

towards those of the Duke of Otranto, and are an additional excuse for his acceptance of office. I have not yet learnt that he can be convicted of any previous arrangement with the Bourbons, or that he did not endeavour to obtain the most favourable terms for his defeated fellow citizens which the conquerors would consent to impose.

But it is now known, that at the first interview with the British commander in chief, the plenipotentiaries saw that the return of the king was the inevitable consequence of the defeat of the nation. One of the plenipotentiaries, General Andreossy, communicated this intelligence to his relation, M. — 66 There is no resource but to take the king, we have no choice," said he, immediately after he had seen the Duke of Wellington, whose continuation of hostilities added a most fearful confirmation to the presumption. Little more satisfactory were the conferences at Haguenau, the report concerning which reflects but little credit upon the ingenuity of the allies, if the fidelity of the reporters may be relied upon. In the last sitting of the representatives, General Sebastiani declared, that the account of the mission communicated by the government did not tally with that handed in by the plenipotentiaries; and he positively asserted, that the ministers of the allies confined their declarations of non-interference to the form

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