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electoral colleges under such regulations, and prescribed such conditions to the eligibility of the

the same applications. The name of Napoleon, the remembrances of recent injury and disgrace, the fear of their recurrence, which were resorted to before, cannot be employed again, to array them in opposition to a cause which is their own, and which they now appear to have discovered to be so. They will see, that nothing less than a foreign military force in the capital, and the citadels of France, is capable of curbing the rights of human nature in that country, and even their government will begin to find out more reasonable causes and pretexts for war, amongst each other, than the suppression of those rights; they will also suspect that they are lending themselves too entirely to the triumphant ambition of the ancient rival of France, and to the accomplishment of her imputed schemes of continental aggrandisement. The alliance will dissolve—the first decisive triumph of the principles of national liberty will be witnessed in that country, where they struggled originally into life. The individuals of this or that family, or faction, will be borne down at once without resistance, perhaps without violence, and lost

The shock of parties, or of nations, internal differences and foreign wars, may, for a short time, confine the empire of reason and independence by the Pyrenees, the Alps, and the Rhine, just as it has been for more than a century circumscribed by the sea that washes the British Isles ; but the spirit of the age will extend its reign beyond the boundaries prescribed for individual ambition, and, embracing state after state, establish at last its prevailing happy sway over the fairest portion of the civilised world. The power and duration of such moral communities, as were founded in the weaknesses and bad passions of human na

for ever.

deputies, as are sufficiently indicative of the system intended to be pursued by the court.

The number of representatives is reduced to 396; the qualification necessary for a candidate is enacted to be the payment of 1000 francs of contribution, a condition totally exclusive, in some departments, of any suitable appointment; and such presidents are named to the electoral colleges as must shut out all hope against any but a court candidate; take, for example, M. Kergorlay, the denouncer of Napoleon, who complained of the commencement of the reign of terror in terms, which, if there had been any cause for his complaint, would have cost him bis head, and would have been considered an overt act of treason in our own country. The court

ture, and constituted by a Mahomet, a Hildebrand, or any other audacious or artful impostor, may induce us to encourage a hope, that a system, having no base but the rational rights, and no aim but the equal happiness of mankind, when once established, will last for ever. This hope, which has been before hypothetically indulged in the course of these letters, is here repeated under circumstances less favourable to its accomplishment. An older politician may dismiss the dream through the ivory gate; but the millenial reign of the saints, not only the expectation, but the creed, of a seet once prevalent, is scarcely less visionary, although it must be confessed less brilliant, than the perpetual republic of the wise.

seems determined to employ only one set of agents, namely, those of the ancient regime. Nearly the whole of the new prefects are nobles, and other appointments have been made in the same spirit. The certainty of support has given to the partisans of the restored family an audacity which characterises the victory of a weak and prejudiced minority: already have accounts arrived that the massacre of the protestants has begun in the south-a strange contrast, when proceeding from the presumed friends of order, and of the ancient social system, with the forbearance and tranquillity that marked, on the return of Napoleon, the conduct of all the abettors of anarchy in those protestant provinces, in which the imprudence of the privileged classes, during the first reign of Louis XVIII., might have been expected to have laid up some vengeance in store for the day of triumph.

I account for this difference in the same position in the conduct of men, to whom measures exactly the contrary to their real áctions have been and are still imputed by all the friends of all old systems in every country and in every age, not from supposing, with Algernon Sydney, that there is something in the cause of pure monarchical institutions which has a worse influence on the passions of man

kind than the adoption of principles more inclined to popular governments can produce; but from the circumstance of the pure royalists striving, at this time, against opinion, whilst the constitutionalists are but following the direction of the stream. The agitations of the former must necessarily be the most violent of the two, whether they make head against, or are borne bạckwards by, the current. . It is dangerous to carry a simile or metaphor so far as to give to the thing likened all the properties of the thing applied; but Mirabeau followed up this popular phrase by denouncing drowning against the mad attempt to swim up the torrent. Who is there now in Paris or France, I would ask it of my fifty thousand countrymen in this capital, who does not conceive that this obstinacy of the Bourbonists will prove that there was no, thing forced or outrageous in the comparison? The excesses of that party who dared to wear the ensigns of gladness at the battle of Waterloo, and who continue still to congratulate themselves on the success of those arms which now watch in the antechamber of their monarch, and, whilst they run over with delight at the triumph of their personal passions, have not a sigh for France,—the excesses of these men, the old emigrants and the young nobles, are such as

have already consigned them to the contempt of every unprejudiced foreigner. A party of the latter description ended a compotation dedicated to the victories of their allies, by demolishing the looking-glasses and lustres of a coffeehouse, the temple of republicanism and Napoleon. These worthy warriors, the heroes, as the Nain Jaune says, not of Mont St. Jean, but Montansier, have been active also in avenging themselves on the emblems, either real or suspected, of patriotism ; and having made successful war on the violets, have now attacked the pinks. An order of the day, just issued from General Desolles, forbids the wearing of red pinks, which are to be extracted with all due form and legality at the guardhouse, but not forcibly torn away in the open streets by the unofficial hands of individual zeal, a measure which has already cost the lives of two or three body guards in the boulevards and coffee-houses. The hyacinth of the Duke of Orleans is equally proscribed. Are we in the circus of Constantinople and in the 6th century ? Mlle. Mars has also succeeded to the hisses of Mlle. Bourgoign, and the theatres are now in occupation of the friends of the lilies, as they were before held by the enemies of that fatal flower. The great majority of the actors and artists are more than

VOL. II.

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