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suspected admirers of the Emperor, and proceedings may be anticipated against the Institute as well as the play-houses. The arts must be punished for their alliance with usurpation. At one of the minor theatres, an actor, who had distinguished himself in the short defence of Paris, near St. Denis, as a rifleman of the national guard, was ordered, a night or two ago, upon some trifling occasion, to ask pardon on his knees before the audience. You will not believe that I attribute the excesses or follies of the royalists to the king—by no means; I only speak of the spirit and character of the party-I only wish to show you what is the complexion of the conduct adopted to reconcile disgrace and despotism to France. You may guess at the effect-Paris is in a state of disturbance which the days of the siege never exceeded-far from diminishing the measures of precaution, and laying aside the armed attitude of distrust, the allies have found it necessary to place double guards at the palaces, play-houses, and places of public resort; cannon enfilade the streets, but every menace is scarce sufficient to preserve the tranquillity of the Palais Royal and the Tuileries.

It is clear that Louis cannot at present trust himself alone in his capital-nay, scarcely out

of his palace, in a city, where, if any where, he has a majority of the armed force in his favour. The accounts from the provinces represent them in a state of disquiet more violent than that of Paris. The population on the eastern frontiers is still in arms--many garrisons still hold out; General Clausel has published an order of the day at Bordeaux, on the 15th, forbidding the authorities to receive orders from Paris, that city being in the hands of the enemy, or from any but the Prince of Eckmülh. At Lyons a monument has been raised to the warriors who died for their independence at Waterloo. The regret will be a perpetual censure of the royalists. The vast force of the allies will, doubtless, succeed in subjugating the provinces as it captured the capital, and the French must consent to be treated as a conquered people: they would consent, if one of the conditions were not too humiliating even for the vanquished, and its consequences more perpetual than the modern privileges of conquest seem to them to allow. The king's ostensible ministers, at least M. Fouché, would endeavour to reconcile the people to their monarch, by showing them that, although his majesty returned by force, he intends to remain amongst them by mildness; and to make persuasion finish what fear began.

Hence the convocation of the chamber, which some royalists affected to say would not be called together, the king having found the nation not good enough to be entrusted with the representative system. To the opposite influ. ence must we attribute the provisions of the proclamation before noticed, by which many

of the beneficial consequences of appealing to the people appear to be sacrificed to the apprehen. sions of the court. That people are happy to hear of a parliament chosen from amongst themselves, but they are sorry to hear that only 396 members are to have that distinction: they are flattered by being called to participate in the government, but they are disgusted at being told, that a certain degree of wealth, the portion only of a comparatively small minority, is to be an indispensable requisite for legislation, and the sole presumption of honesty and talent, and that thus some departments will actually have no representative; and also, that, by giving the arrondissements a choice only of candidates, not of deputies, many local interests must be disregarded or misunderstood. The army is pleased that the legion of honour is preserved in the electoral colleges of departments; but it is equally dissatisfied at finding that a member, who does not pay 300 francs of contribution,

although he should be a principal dignitary of that order, will be excluded from his privileges. Every patriot congratulates himself, that certain articles of the constitutional chara ter are to be revised; but he represses his joy when he recollects how the chamber, to whom is to be entrusted the liberties of him. self and his posterity, will be composed, in the midst of whose bayonets it will sit, and who are to be its assistants in the other chamber, formed of men nominated by the court, and, at least, a majority of them previously secured. On the whole, then, the promise of a new national representation has gained the king no friends; but has rather renewed the charge of treachery and deceit, which the royalists take care to justify by hinting, that the chambers will enter fully into the views of the court, og will be finally dismissed.

One or two journals continue to speak the general sense of the nation on this subject. The Independent, edited by M. Jay, and under the influence, it is supposed, of M. Fouché, has not been silent; but its tone, in this as well as every other instance, is towards the king most respectful, and consonant with all it has hitherto said to reconcile the French to their monarch, and to make one more effort for constitutional inde

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VOL. II.

pendence, by an oblivion of differences, and by that union of loyalty and patriotism which alone can suit with the circumstances of the times.

CONCLUDING NOTE.

The Independent has been suppressed-we need not want a better proof of the real system which is intended to be pursued : one or two other journals have shared the same fate, and amongst them the Nain Jaune, for joking with the battle of Montansier. The principles of the Independent had subjected it to the attacks of the Napoleonists, or, rather, of those who thought the royalist government ought to be abandoned; or, according to a vulgar phrase, given rope.” It was guilty of no other indiscretion than telling the ministry how they might save the king. It need not be said that the li. berty of the press is not now even a word. Those whom Mr. Cobbett calls, with great reason, whatever may be said of his phraseology, the base-souled editors of our court journals, blamed M. Fouché for his keeping the French papers in subjection, and for not suffering the truth to be told against himself and his friends; whereas the suppression of the Independent was no

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