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work of his, nor could have been so, as it was the organ of his own opinions. It was the other part of the police that stopped the voice of common sense. M. Fouché only prevented, and that but partially, the insertion in the court journals, edited by priests and nobles, of articles wholly inflammatory, and tending to encourage the civil discord which wanted not the fuel of denunciation and proscription. Our journalists were, at first, angry at the restrictions of the press; they then found out, after some Frenchman had found it out first, that the liberty of the press in the last reign had occasioned the fall of Napoleon. It may be recollected that, in the time of that Emperor, the same well-informed persons said there was no liberty of the press, and that the Courier asserted, that any person found reading that paper, or the Times, was fined 100 Napoleons. They now find the liberty of the press too good for Frenchmen, to whom they deny every other good thing-and have pushed their folly so far as to sing pæans over the suspension of the French habeas corpus act. The appointment of M. Lainé to the chair of the lower chamber, of him who “ would not shut the door against the
hopes of the emigrants," of him who identified the will of the king with the law, shows how
much is to be hoped from the new national representation, which, as far as I hear, is more base, and less representative of the people, than the other chamber, where certain intelligent members, appointed to preserve forms, maintain a respectable minority. The name of Count Lanjuinais will! not be forgotten in the record destined to preserve the memories of those men who have deserved well of their country in the days of her trouble. He does not despair; his repulsed patriotism is indefatigable. In the mean time every measure of the court seems directed by the fatality which crowned the last enterprise of Napoleon. The whole of France appears now convinced of the truth of that, of which the neighbours of the Tuileries were apprized in July, namely, the perilous position of the king. The atrocious murderers of the south condemn the forbearance which does not sharpen, instead of merely permitting, the use of their knives. The priests and royalist rabble of these countries regret the pious furies of the Angoulemes, and call for a Charles the Tenth. The association must make most dear to them the numerical successor of Charles the Ninth, and the rival of that wretched Vendome who was supported by the fanatics of the league. The same faction indulges in the same
complaints at Paris, and in every other department, where the breach between them and the vanquished majority is daily widening, and must finally split the kingdom into two countries, one of which will be the desolate abode of nobles and priests, served by the people whom the immediate presence of the allied armies shall be able, for a time, to repress; and the other composed of the portion of rebels more or less active, as the same foreign force shall be employed in their constraint. We do not know but that, at this moment, the high roads of the country, whose internal policy an Alfred might have admired, are just as impassable as the wilds of Curdistan. The patriots, of course, despair of extracting any real or permanent advantages from the forms of freedom granted by the king. The most moderate amongst them only continue to be inactive. I reckon for nothing the disturbances occasioned by the removal of the treasures of the Louvre, and defacing the monuments of the capital, which as many royalists as others, doubtless, joined to inflame. The departments will care little about these injuries, which, though a severe wound to the vanity of the French, are no otherwise to be regarded than as they add to the conviction of the impotence of the king, who, with other advisers, might, perhaps, have ma
naged to awaken a sentiment of pity for his ina ability to protect his capital from despoliation. But his cabinet either cannot, or will not, identify his sufferings with those of the people, who reckon the commencement of their calamities from the date of his triumphant return.
Voltaire, in his essay on the manners and spirit of nations, says, “ that only three ways of “subjugating a people have been ever, as yet, os discovered; the first method, of civilizing by
legislation, he reckons at least suspicious—the “ second, of religious conversion, has only been “ the lot of a very few ;" the third, which employs one portion of a nation to cut the throats of the other, he attributes to the rightful pretenders to this merit, to Charlemagne, Clovis, Alboin, and other respectable monsters. No one will deny that Louis hæs still to conquer France, which is scarcely more his own, at this time, than it was at the battle of Waterloo. The allies have conquered the French, and have so used their triumph, as a gentleman in France said to a friend of mine in October last, as to have left them nothing but their eyes to weep with. Now, His Majesty, of these three methods, seems resolved to adopt either the second or the third; but whether he can pretend to the vire tués of the above heroes, or whether his party will be strong enough to slaughter the remainder of the nation, will admit only of one answer. In the efforts he has made towards the propagation of a new religion, for such the Christianity of the court may be said absolutely to be in the eyes of the French of this day, his failure has been most complete—I judge him out of the mouths of the very chambermaids of Paris, one of whom said to the same person just mentioned, “ On est trop eclairé pour tout ça.” The religion of Louis and his family will hardly have many charms for the French, nor reconcile them to the God whom the Duchess of Angouleme, and other enthusiasts more savage, in return, perhaps, for being made after his image, have made after their own-vengeful-passionate-unjust. It is the laughter of Paris, as it is the horror of the Cevennes. The times do not allow Louis to endeavour to be the Charondas of France, but if he cannot invent himself, he may adopt the inventions of others; and, of the three schemes, the attempt at the establishment of a liberal constitution seems the only one that gives him the least chance of accomplishing the requisite conquest over the prejudices of his countrymen. It is the only one he has neglected, or, at least, abandoned. The allies have allowed him five years to prepare his means of